Trump’s Yemen policy is one of hypocrisy and
indifference
This, Haley argued, was “devastating evidence” of
Iranian perfidy. Others diplomats weren’t so sure. They suggested the
American envoy was overstating the conclusions drawn by U.N. investigators
— and possibly seeking to divert attention away from the Trump
administration’s controversial moves elsewhere in the Middle East.
It’s worth considering Haley’s adamant stance in
light of what has happened since. The failed Houthi missile strike
caused no casualties, but it prompted Saudi Arabia and its Persian Gulf
allies to tighten their blockade on Yemen and intensify the war against the
Houthis. Since then, the country’s epochal humanitarian crisis has only
worsened, and airstrikes carried out by the Saudi-led coalition have killed
dozens of civilians.
The most glaring incident happened less than two weeks
ago, when a missile struck a bus in northern Yemen. According to local health officials, 54 people were
killed, 44 of whom were children traveling on a rare school outing.
The BBC’s Orla Guerin, reporting from the scene days later, described the
agony of parents finding their dead children among piles of corpses; she
spoke to young boys helping dig small graves for their classmates.
Meanwhile, Saudi officials said the bus was a “legitimate military target,”
pointing to allegations that the Houthis are training child soldiers.
The United States, as we’ve detailed in the past, has abetted the
Saudi-led war in Yemen, helping refuel aircraft and supplying intelligence
and munitions to the coalition. But while Trump administration officials
leap to conclusions about the Iranian hand in Yemen’s ruinous war, they are
far more coy about their own.
When pressed about the American role in the deadly strike,
a senior U.S. official expressed apathy.
Over the weekend, CNN concluded that it was an American bomb —
manufactured by Lockheed Martin, an influential defense contractor — that
sent dozens of Yemeni children to their deaths. The report cited munition
experts and shrapnel evidence from the scene of the strike.
While the Trump administration may wave away its
actions in Yemen, there’s a growing uproar in Washington about the horrors
of the war. Haley’s performance last year did not silence critics, who
are unconvinced by Trump’s arguments about checking Iranian influence.
“Whenever the United States intervenes in the Middle
East, or supports others’ interventions, it creates the chaotic conditions
that amplify Iran’s malign influence,” wrote Micah Zenko of the Council on Foreign Relations.
“Moreover, it is preposterous that backing a horrific and indiscriminate
bombing campaign, which primarily targets Iranian-supported Houthi forces,
will compel any change in Iran’s behavior outside of its territory.”
And while the Saudis and their U.S. allies “have a
point” when it comes to pinning the blame the Houthis, argued Frank Giustra
and Robert Malley of the International Crisis Group, it’s not a strong one.
“The Houthis have interfered with aid delivery and
killed civilians,” they wrote in the Globe and Mail. “But the Saudi-led
coalition is by far the strongest combatant and its Western allies are the
most influential powers involved. Together, they are the ones that can now
do the most to end the horrors befalling Yemeni civilians.”
“I am deeply concerned that continued U.S. refueling,
operational support functions and weapons transfers could qualify as aiding
and abetting these potential war crimes,” Rep. Ted Lieu (D-Calif.) wrote in
a letter to the Pentagon’s inspector general. Sen. Elizabeth Warren
(D-Mass.) sought clarification from Gen. Joseph Votel, the head
of U.S. Central Command, over how the U.S. military helps support and
oversee Saudi and Emirati bombing missions in Yemen.
“The ongoing military escalation threatens millions of
civilians, and hundreds of thousands are at risk of starvation,” Minority
Whip Steny H. Hoyer (D-Md.) said in a statement to The Washington Post.
“The United States must have a cohesive strategy to address the situation.”
The violence in Yemen — and the mounting evidence of
American complicity in atrocities — is fueling a broader conversation about
the White House’s ability to wage war. The Trump administration is
following the Obama administration’s tacit support of the Saudi-led
campaign, but has likely emboldened Riyadh with its vehement grandstanding
over Iran and the Houthis.
Elsewhere, President Trump has also prioritized
strength of arms over diplomacy. In Syria, Trump celebrated his
military’s ruthless bombing campaign against the Islamic State, which
helped drive out the militants from the city of Raqqa. But now, after
laying waste to the city, Trump wants to cut the U.S. funds set aside to
help its recovery and reconstruction — a paltry $230 million compared to
the $716 billion defense spending bill Trump signed last week.
Trump insists that U.S. allies, including the Saudis,
can foot the bill to clean up the mess in Syria. But critics say the White
House needs to get tough on its friends in the Gulf rather than simply
eying their pursestrings.
“The U.S. allies will accept a peace process only if it
is clear that they will not have Washington’s support for more war,” The Washington Post wrote in an editorial. “Because
President Trump remains in thrall to the Saudi princes, it’s fortunate that
Congress has applied some pressure.”
The editorial concluded: “It is long past time to end
U.S. support for this misbegotten and unwinnable war.”
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