Wednesday, December 14, 2022

Elon Musk is the latest victim of the online ragetrap


www.slowboring.com
Elon Musk is the latest victim of the online ragetrap
Matthew Yglesias
11 - 13 minutes

New episode of Bad Takes is out about Kyrsten Sinema.

The other day, Elon Musk joked on Twitter that “my pronouns are Prosecute/Fauci.” It’s a mean spirited joke from Musk, who we already know enjoys mean jokes about trans people — the suspension of the Babylon Bee for making a mean joke about Rachel Levine was an important motivator of Musk’s decision to buy Twitter.

Even more bizarre, though, was the crack about Fauci that he fired off 30 minutes earlier, depicting Fauci as a Wormtongue figure talking Joe Biden into “just one more lockdown.”
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The pronouns thing references a genuine dispute in American politics and culture. Small numbers of people really are using they/them pronouns or socially transitioning from she/her to he/him, and if someone wants to spend their time being angry about that then I think that’s a weird decision, but they are, in fact, choosing to be angry about a thing that is happening in the world. But if you’re sitting here in mid-December 2022 getting mad at Fauci and Biden for imposing repeated rounds of lockdowns, then you’re getting mad about something you made up. A pseudonymous wag using the handle @ToiletGun quipped a couple of years ago that “Twitter is 90% someone imagining a guy, tricking themselves into believing that guy exists and then getting mad about it.”

That was a real funny-because-it’s-true moment. Unfortunately, I don’t think it’s only Twitter — this dynamic plays a tragically large role in politics and society writ large. Too many people have fallen into the habit of believing that all righteous causes are motivated by righteous anger, that all anger is righteous, and that cultivating anger and nursing grudges is a good mode of engagement.

This comes up frequently in Covid-19 policy debates, I think because it’s so difficult to admit the truth about the situation, which is that the emergence of the virus and its subsequent evolution into the Delta and Omicron strains are fundamentally sad. The world is much worse than it would have been had the virus not emerged, and that’s not the fault of columnists you disagree with. But this practice of nursing grievances and seeking opportunities to be angry seems to be swallowing larger and larger swathes of the public sphere.

In the fall of 2020, Biden and Donald Trump had some real disagreements about Covid policy.

Trump, as part of his campaign for reelection, exaggerated the extent of those disagreements, saying Biden “wants to shut down this country and I want to keep it open.” Biden denied this, and media fact-checkers agreed that Trump was lying to people.

But everyone knows you can’t trust the liars in the mainstream media. So if you’re a Republican sitting at home in October of 2020 worried that Biden’s election will lead to a return to the conditions of spring 2020, then I hear you and I empathize with you. There really are a non-zero number of extreme Covid hawks out there, Biden has clearly positioned himself as the more Covid-hawkish candidate, and a president you like and people you trust are telling you that Biden wants to go back to the way things were in the spring. Heck, you’ve heard some people praise the much more extreme lockdowns that were imposed in parts of Europe. You’re nervous, you’re afraid.

But that was over two years ago. Biden won the election, and the thing you were afraid of happening didn’t happen.

It’s true that Biden kept some Non-Pharmaceutical Interventions (NPIs) in place for longer than a Republican probably would have. But he didn’t impose any new ones. All that happened during Biden’s first two years in office is that various measures — state measures, local measures, federal measures — were relaxed or went away in response to shifting objective conditions and public sentiment. Now there’s a group of people who are angry about that and have cast Fauci and Biden as the traitors who stabbed the Covid hawk cause in the back.

There’s an entire cottage industry of people talking about how Joe Biden is doing eugenics by shifting over time to a vaxxed and relaxed posture. But the Covid superhawks never seem to present any kind of policy proposals that remotely scale to their level of anger and inflammatory knowledge. The problem of Covid-19 in 2021 and 2022 is that the Delta and Omicron variants that undermined the efficacy of vaccines also undermined the efficacy of NPIs. It used to be the case that moderate measures like requiring masks in public spaces significantly reduced transmission. But that stopped being true even as prior exposure, vaccination, Paxlovid, and improved treatment knowledge made the virus less risky. It sucks that tons of people are still getting sick with Covid-19 and that some of them are dying, but it’s not Biden’s fault any more than Fauci is to blame for Biden-era lockdowns that didn’t happen.

A lot of this pronoun rage strikes me as the same. A small number of people I know prefer to be referred to as “they” rather than “he” or “she,” and I also know some people whose preferred pronouns are at odds with my understanding of their chromosomes. I try to refer to people how they prefer to be referred to, because that’s polite and because language is a bottomless pit of arbitrary conventions.

None of this changes the fact that I believe men and women differ, on average, in a number of significant physical and mental ways and that left-wing activists sometimes get this wrong both in general and in particular. A random fact I recently learned is that men and women have, on average, different ridge density in their fingerprints, so scientists can track shifting gender norms around the production of pottery in ancient Mesopotamia by tracking the shifting distribution of fingerprint ridge density. That’s a quirky example, but a real-world illustration of the fact that dogmatic denial of gender difference can blind you to certain things.

But the people who insist that using someone’s preferred pronouns will automatically commit them to the most extreme and indefensible activist claims about sex differences are just wrong.

Or, rather, they are deliberately misconstruing the issue to make themselves mad in order to have something to fight about. It is clearly possible to accept the reality and significance of biology and also refer to people by their preferred pronouns. I also just don’t believe the people who tell me that the reason they are stewing in anger over this is their exacting commitment to scientific truth. A huge share of Americans tell the General Social Survey that they believe the Bible is the literal word of God.

Not only is this belief not true, but it’s a belief that’s primarily held by the very same people who are most hostile to LGBT causes. And I can remember a time in the not-so-distant past when the brief fad for “New Atheism” claimed that secular people should run around being angry about the existence of these religious people, getting in their faces and being rude about their rituals and community institutions. That was dumb and has, mercifully, passed. But the very fact of its passing is strong evidence that the people claiming their anger about pronouns is rooted in deep devotion to science are, in fact, normal adult human beings capable of regulating their emotions.

They are simply choosing not to in this case, instead convincing themselves that nursing this grudge is vital to the pursuit of reason.

No political movement has a monopoly on this kind of behavior. Today’s post mostly focuses on the right because Elon Musk is such a pointed example of a guy who’s doing great in life and refusing to be happy about it. He’s the richest man in the world, the Covid restrictions he hates are gone, and he already owns Twitter so he can allow whatever jokes he wants. I wish the guy would try to take some pleasure in his achievements.

But the left has its own version of Covid dead-enders, of people who insist that any effort to ask about the changing standards of care for gender transition is literally murdering people. Perhaps most consequential is the very vocal community organized around the idea that climate change is a literal extinction-level threat to the human race. Throwing soup at famous paintings is not actually doing anything to mitigate climate change, which is a problem because climate change is a real issue. But a key element to this kind of rage and theatricality is convincing yourself that being calm is a form of weakness or lack of commitment and that the world needs you to be more aggro. Fortunately, the left seems to be getting chiller with Joe Biden in the White House, and we’re getting more thoughtful pieces like Clare Coffey’s Gawker article about blaming “capitalism” for one’s personal problems, an annoying online trend that seems to have diminished in recent years.

But rage is still very good at going viral on the internet. Negative content is more engaging, so if you can find more things to be angry about, you’ll do better online.

We saw during the Trump years how this led so many progressive elites astray, with so much content about how all your anxieties in life were due to the climate apocalypse and all your personal problems were due to capitalism. A lot of liberal leaders gaslit themselves into believing that the American people were crying out for radical political change. The genius of Joe Biden was recognizing that most people wanted a treatment for the most acute manifestations of Trump’s dysfunctionality. Biden’s biggest political successes have come from calming things down, and his biggest political problems have been quite banal — commodity prices soared in a way that hurt middle-class families, and people are worried about crime and immigration.

A guy like Glenn Youngkin successfully made political hay out of Covid NPIs because he was running at a time when Covid NPIs were still in place in Virginia — and the fact that Virginia voters knew a Democratic House of Delegates would stop him from enacting many right-wing policies turned this into great practical politics. But banging on a year later about nonexistent “lockdowns” is politics for cranks. Gas is getting cheaper, and I think the economic narrative is turning around for Biden. To the extent that “woke” considerations prevent Democrats from bringing down the crime rate, that’s going to be a huge vulnerability for them — but it’s telling that Musk isn’t out there talking about his idea for foot patrols or how to improve police recruiting. He’s talking about a “woke mind virus” that is somehow both an existential threat to humanity and also primarily manifests as people criticizing stand-up comedians.

This is crank stuff and it leads you to crank places. Issuing measured criticisms of specific Biden administration policy ideas you disagree with is less likely to go viral, but much more likely to accomplish something and it’s better for your mental health, too. But the risk is you might get what you want — there are no “lockdowns,” there hasn’t been anything resembling a lockdown since the summer of 2020, and there are currently no Covid NPIs in place at all — at which point you have to admit you won and that whatever misery you’re experiencing in life isn’t stemming from the political system.

Tesla shares have fallen 28% since Elon Musk took over Twitter, lagging other carmakers

Tesla shares have fallen 28% since Elon Musk took over Twitter, lagging other carmakers

Published Tue, Dec 13 2022

Tesla stock is faring poorly since CEO Elon Musk bought Twitter.

Musk sold billions of dollars’ worth of his Tesla holdings to finance the Twitter takeover and has been embroiled in controversy ever since.

Economic conditions and an aging product lineup have also contributed to pressure on Tesla’s share price.

CEO of Tesla Motors Elon Musk speaks at the Tesla Giga Texas manufacturing "Cyber Rodeo" grand opening party in Austin, Texas, on April 7, 2022.

CEO of Tesla Motors Elon Musk speaks at the Tesla Giga Texas manufacturing “Cyber Rodeo” grand opening party in Austin, Texas, on April 7, 2022.

Suzanne Cordeiro | AFP | Getty Images

Shares in electric vehicle maker Tesla have fallen 28% since October 27, when CEO Elon Musk bought Twitter and appointed himself “Chief Twit,” or CEO, of the social media business.


By way of comparison, other major automakers like Ford, GM and Volkswagen are slightly up since Oct. 27, as is BYD, a Chinese company that makes electric vehicles and batteries. U.S. electric truck maker Rivian has fallen by 27% over that period.


On Tuesday, Tesla shares closed at $160.95, down more than 4% for the day. It was a rare exception among growth-oriented tech stocks, which mostly rose after cooler-than-expected inflation data came out early in the morning.


Fmr. Ford CEO Mark Fields on what Tesla's challenges may mean for legacy automakers

The decline in Tesla stock price has prompted the company’s largest retail shareholder Leo Koguan, who is a billionaire and founder of the IT services firm SHI International, to call for the company’s board to “perform shock therapy to resuscitate stock price,” namely by way of a share buyback.


Musk sold billions of dollars’ worth of his Tesla holdings to finance the Twitter takeover. Since he took over the company, Musk has been regularly posting incendiary tweets, especially aimed at people who hold center-to-left political values, and whom Musk often paints as enemies with a “woke mind virus.”


For example, Musk took aim at Director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases Dr. Anthony Fauci, and trans people, tweeting over the weekend: “My pronouns are Prosecute/Fauci.”


The offensive tweet drew over 1 million “likes” on Twitter, where Musk has over 120 million listed followers, as well as criticism from the White House, and from former CIA director John O. Brennan. White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre called Musk’s tweets about Fauci “incredibly dangerous” personal attacks.


Kristin Hull, Nia Impact Capital founder and a Tesla shareholder, wrote on Twitter following that: “So many issues with the Tesla brand, when the board can’t rein in the CEO.”


Economic conditions and an aging product lineup have also contributed to pressure on Tesla’s share price. Tesla has delayed mass production of its sci-fi-inspired, trapezoidal pickup truck, the Cybertruck. Tesla originally showed off the Cybertruck design in 2019, at which time the company expected to start production in 2021.


The company held an event at its Nevada battery factory to mark the start of deliveries of its fully electric, heavy-duty Semi truck last month. At the event, Tesla execs including Elon Musk made no mention of previously touted self-driving tech, a million-mile warranty they had previously teased, a price for the Semi, nor any anticipated production numbers.


Tesla is also facing backlash over a years-long delay in delivering self-driving technology through software updates to its customers’ cars. Customers are increasingly suing Tesla in the U.S. to attain refunds for self-driving systems they paid for and expected to be delivered already.


Tesla markets its driver assistance systems as Autopilot, Enhanced Autopilot and Full Self-Driving capability in the U.S. None of these systems make its cars safe to drive without a human behind the steering wheel, attentive to the road and driving task at all times.


The California DMV is investigating Tesla and has formally complained that it has engaged in false advertising around these systems.


Some Tesla fans see the plummeting stock price as a buying opportunity, despite Musk’s new distraction with Twitter.


The company is ramping up production at a new vehicle assembly plant in Austin, Texas, and another one outside of Berlin. The company has brought Shanghai Manufacturing leader Tom Zhu to the states to help mature the Austin operation.


Seawater electrolysis ignites new hope for affordable green hydrogen

Seawater electrolysis ignites new hope for affordable green hydrogen

Researchers in China claim their technique bypasses the need for desalination



© Andy Carter

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The writer is a science commentator


Hydrogen has long been viewed as a miracle fuel of the future. It does not appear on its own in nature but is partnered with other elements in compounds such as water and methane. The flammable element, which produces water when burnt, is touted as a potential clean energy source for heating, industrial and agricultural use, and long-distance transport where electrification is difficult.


One way of harvesting it is via electrolysis, which uses electricity to split water into its constituent elements, hydrogen and oxygen. Now researchers in China claim to have produced hydrogen by splitting seawater without the need to desalinate or purify it first, according to a report in Chemistry World.


Since seawater accounts for more than 96 per cent of the world’s water, this could be a significant step on the path to making green hydrogen (that produced using renewable energy) affordably. “What they’ve done is really quite challenging from a chemistry perspective,” explains Professor Alex Cowan, researches sustainable fuels at Liverpool University in the UK, and who last year co-authored a cost-benefit analysis on direct seawater electrolysis. “This technology hits a potential niche market that hasn’t been addressed before.”


Splitting water using electrolysis is relatively straightforward, and is already done in some hydrogen-generating facilities with access to a conventional water supply. The process, which takes place in an electrolyser, electrically separates hydrogen from oxygen and allows the hydrogen to be siphoned off. But with seawater this is more complicated because salt and other impurities can effectively destroy the electrolyser.


One option is to desalinate and purify seawater before processing it — but in some settings that can add cost. Another option is to treat the electrolyser components chemically to avoid corrosion, but that is viewed as impractical.


Now Heping Xie at Shenzhen University and Zongping Shao at Nanjing Tech University have come up with a workaround. They kept the electrolyser separate from the seawater with a waterproof, breathable membrane. A bit like a sieve, the membrane keeps anything other than pure water vapour from entering the electrolyser. As the water vapour is drawn in and converted to hydrogen, more is pulled in from the seawater to take its place. It is, they reported recently in the journal Nature, a self-sustaining system.


The scientists installed a prototype in China’s Shenzhen Bay, and produced more than 1mn litres of hydrogen over 133 days without any reported deterioration. “Running it for more than 3,000 hours sets a new benchmark in stability,” Cowan says.


One potential application could be for offshore wind to power seawater electrolysers, with the resulting hydrogen being transported back to land. A similar idea lies behind the Gigastack project in the Humber estuary, off the northern English coast: offshore wind is being used to power electrolysers, with the hydrogen being used at the Humber refinery.


Hydrogen, which accounts for about 2 per cent of the global energy market, is undergoing something of a renaissance, having been subjected to the same cycle of hope and hype that has characterised research into nuclear fusion. That latter technology is progressing at speed, emphasised by Tuesday’s announcement from the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory confirming a milestone in energy output.


Unlike fusion, however, commercial hydrogen production already exists, mostly using fossil fuels, such as extraction from methane. The big challenges lie in scaling up, cutting cost and lowering the carbon footprint. Current electrolysers, for example, work at the megawatt, rather than gigawatt, level. The UK’s hydrogen strategy seeks to double the target for low-carbon hydrogen output to 10GW by 2030, as an intermediate step to net zero.


The bid to green the hydrogen industry is leading to strategic bets elsewhere. The Hydrogen Shot initiative was launched in the US last year to bring down the cost of green hydrogen to $1 per kilogramme in a decade. The EU, as part of its hydrogen strategy, has a 10-year plan to build hydrogen infrastructure, including transport networks and fuelling station. The bloc also hopes green hydrogen can replace natural gas in polluting industries like steel production.


Most important, perhaps, the cost of renewable energy needed to produce green hydrogen is falling. It may take another decade to separate the hope from the hype but, for now, the flame for a cleaner, hydrogen-fuelled future has a healthy glow.


Tuesday, December 13, 2022

Why hasn’t technology disrupted higher education already?

Why hasn’t technology disrupted higher education already?

Matthew Yglesias — Read time: 10 minutes


Why hasn’t technology disrupted higher education already?

The key question about AI and school is about the past


There’s a lot of interest in the question of how large language models may impact education. I don’t have the answer, but I think there’s a more fundamental question worth considering: why have the past 50 years of technological change had so little impact on schooling?


The English word “lecture” derives from Medieval Latin’s “lectura” and is cognate with words like “lecteur” (French) and “lector” (Spanish) which mean “reader.” A lecturer, in other words, is a reader.


Today, giving a lecture that consisted of simply standing at a podium reading a book would be considered bad practice. But several hundred years ago, books were extremely expensive because hand-copying manuscripts doesn’t scale. What does scale, at least to an extent, is the human voice. So an institution could serve the very useful function of providing a place where students could gather to hear a person read out loud from a book and write down what the lecturer was saying, securing knowledge.


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An institution like that would need to have a lot of books on hand and a scholar would need ready access to books, so producing scholarship was highly complementary to lecturing. The scholars take books as inputs but also produce books as outputs. To earn money, they would lecture — which is to say, read the books — to students. The students themselves would benefit not only from learning about what the books say but also from some kind of formal certification. And thus was born the familiar university bundle that combines libraries, scholarship, teaching, and certification.


This is a somewhat rickety pile of in-principle-separate ideas that really does seem vulnerable to technological disruption. On its face, the relevant disruptive technology should have been the printing press, and the disruption should have happened three or four hundred years ago. But not only did the basic structure of the university persist, but most of the world’s leading universities are also much newer than the printing press. Harvard and Yale are really old by the standards of American institutions, but they’re not older than printing — and many other prestigious American universities date from the second half of the nineteenth century. By the time Stanford and the University of Texas were founded, it was already extremely clear that people could study books at home (or in libraries) and then take exams administered by certifying bodies that had nothing to do with teaching or research.


None of this is to say that large language models won’t disrupt traditional education, just to observe that education has been more resilient than one might think.


Learning has gotten much cheaper

While the price of education has infamously gone up a lot over the past 50 years, the price of learning has clearly gone down.


At one point back in the pre-vaccine days of Covid-19, our dishwasher stopped working. I am the opposite of a handy person, and I had no idea how to deal with this myself. But I Googled. And sure enough, there are multiple YouTubers operating in the home appliance repair space with sufficient specificity and dummy-friendliness that I was able to fix it.


More recently, I got a little idly curious about why the bokeh (those out-of-focus points of light in movies) sometimes consists of circles and other times ovals. It turns out to have to do with whether the camera lens is spherical or anamorphic. That led me down a YouTube rabbit hole on the history of anamorphic lenses, which were originally developed in order to make it possible to display films with a wide aspect ratio. The anamorphic lens essentially squeezes a wide image onto a square piece of film, and then an anamorphic projector unsqueezes it. These lenses have a variety of other optical characteristics — including oval bokeh, prominent lens flares, focus breathing, and other more subtle effects. In the modern day, it is perfectly possible to make a widescreen film with a spherical lens. But in part because of the historical legacy of anamorphic shooting of movies (but not still photography or television shows), anamorphic visual artifacts lend films a “cimematic” look. So many cinematographers continue to prefer anamorphic lenses even though they’re not necessary, and some filmmakers who aren’t using anamorphic lenses insert anamorphic-style lens flare to achieve a more cinematic effect, even in animation.


The point is, I learned a lot about lenses. And I learned it all for free, from YouTubers who were making videos to sell ads or to do affiliate marketing for lenses and other camera equipment. And when Matt Zeitlin tweeted about split diopters, I already knew where to go for more information about camera lenses.


Now I’m not going to say that watching these YouTubes is an adequate substitute for going to film school or apprenticing with a working cinematographer. But the fact is that today it is possible to learn a lot of things quickly and easily relative to 1992.


By the same token, my DIY dishwasher repairs still left the machine in less-than-perfect working order, and after about a year and a half of limping along, it was totally busted. I think it’s conceivable that someone with better training than me could have fixed it better. But the fact remains that a miraculous quantity of information is at our fingertips. If you want to learn how to tie a bowline knot (useful for dragging a dinghy behind your sailboat without the knot becoming so tight it can’t be untied) or what happened with the Great Vowel Shift in early modern English, the internet has your back. Learning is easier than ever!


And yet, in practice, learning is still hard.


In-person instruction has unique value

I lift weights regularly with a personal trainer. A person obviously could lift heavy things without a personal trainer and still get stronger, though of course if you just pick up some heavy weights with absolutely no knowledge, the odds are overwhelming that you’ll waste your time or injure yourself. But the basic information has long been available in books and magazines and on home video since before the existence of the internet. Today, we have weightlifting YouTube, we have Apple Fitness+ — we have tons of highly efficient alternatives to paying someone to watch you lift heavy things.


But the trainer is helpful not just for learning but for motivation. I consistently lift more for longer with a trainer. The trainer pushes me to do more, she provides a safety function, and more importantly, the fact that the trainer is there denies me the excuse of some safety concern as a reason to stop.


I think precisely because these are the ways the trainer adds value, the strongest, fittest people at the gym generally aren’t relying on trainers, at least not all the time. They just have a gym rat temperament, a lot of detailed knowledge, and a lot of strong muscles. Whether innately or through cultivation, they have the kind of mindset where they push themselves without external stimulus.


Precisely for that reason, they’re stronger than me and in better shape than I am. And a sort of naive read on the situation would be to say that if we look at the people who are really strong, they show that inefficient, non-scalable personal training has been disrupted by whatever hobbyist forums or other internet resources they rely on.


In the real world, though, that doesn’t work at all. I got sincerely interested in this lens stuff so I learned a lot about it, but I am not sincerely interested in exercising — I dislike it and lack inherent motivation. Instrumentally, though, I want to be a healthy person, and the in-person instructor is a tremendous motivating tool.


Tech improvements don’t solve the problem

A decade ago there was tremendous hype around the potential for Massive Online Open Courses (MOOCs) to replace traditional classroom instruction. Then it turned out that online for-profit colleges were mostly good for running scams on marginal students. The problem with MOOCs for the typical student is the same as with me trying to lift weights on my own: for people who have a second-order desire to get a degree despite a lack of temperamental suitability for school, the in-person instructor is invaluable. We learned that lesson all over again during the pandemic when a lot of districts went remote with bad effects. Motivation and self-discipline are valuable commodities, and an in-person instructor can help provide them.


I do think it’s fair to say that internet video is a step forward from VHS or simple text files on the web, and all of that is a step forward from print as the only medium for conveying information. And the printing press itself was, of course, a huge step forward.


It’s very easy to imagine chatbots improving on Google search as a way to look stuff up, and AI-powered individual coaching could be even more powerful than videos as a way to learn things.


But I do think the history of ed tech has been one where better and better information technology makes it much easier to learn things without really making much progress on the big problems of education, because the motivation/discipline piece of education is so central. In practice, I think the net impact of IT improvements on education has probably been negative. Today’s smartphone is a much more powerful and convenient learning tool than the public library of 30 years ago. But the 1992-vintage public library really did work very well. And today’s smartphone is also a much more powerful tool of distraction than anything that was available in 1992. Educators’ jobs have probably gotten harder rather than easier, not despite but because of the improvements in information technology.


The revolution, if one comes, is likely to be in the value of the learning itself rather than in how it’s done.


De-skilling is very real

My whole life has been an era of relatively slow productivity growth and misguided fears about technologically induced unemployment.


I think people today are generally aware of those macro facts, which in turn leads them to ignore some important micro facts. Something that I learned as a kid, both at summer camp and because my mom was a skilled photographer, was how to develop black and white film and make black and white photo prints. By the time I got to college, this skill set was clearly on the way out, but analog cameras still took much better photos than digital ones. I worked on a campus alt-weekly paper that had its own darkroom, and even though I wasn’t in the photo department, I was interested in photography and would sometimes pitch in and help out with darkroom stuff. I learned how to burn and dodge prints, about different chemicals, and how to use the negative scanner.


Once upon a time, these skills would’ve had real market value.


Now to be clear, it’s not like I was ever a superstar photo developer or that this was an incredibly lucrative line of work. But it was a real job skill and I did in fact learn to do it just fine. I would have been qualified, 22 years ago, for a non-minimum wage job that involved specialized skills and had nothing to do with writing. Today, that’s no longer the case.


Back in 1996, Paul Krugman wrote a column pretending to look back from 2096 and one of his predictions was that advances in information technology would lead to a huge decline in the monetary value of education.


Eventually, the eroding payoff of higher education created a crisis in education itself. Why should a student put herself through four years of college and several years of postgraduate work to acquire academic credentials with little monetary value? These days, jobs that require only 6 or 12 months of vocational training — paranursing, carpentry, household maintenance and so on — pay nearly as much as if not more than a job that requires a master's degree, and pay more than one requiring a Ph.D.


He envisioned this as leading to a huge decline in college enrollment, and thus a huge decline in the demand for economics professors like himself. Krugman-in-the-fiction was employed as a veterinarian and wrote essays about economics as a hobby. Even with veterinary medicine, though, the contemporary practice basically mixes two different things. One is that a vet has a knowledge base that can let her diagnose ailments and prescribe courses of treatment. The other is that the vet can just deal with the animal as a physical object that exists in the world and requires a certain delicacy of handling. Right now, we seem closer to a world in which computers can substitute more for the knowledge function than for the physical one. This would mean vets continue to be in high demand, but the practice of veterinary medicine becomes de-skilled — not something that can be done without training, but something that can require less training than today’s vets have.


And that would be the real revolution in education. The past couple of centuries have seen a steady increase in the market demand for certain kinds of skills. That’s meant people want to acquire these skills even if they don’t necessarily have tons of inherent motivation — they want training to earn a better living, and education as a formal process is a very useful motivational crutch. It’s at least possible that the next twist in IT will be to rapidly erode the demand for that kind of education, meaning people will be left primarily to learn things they are curious about where there is much less need for external motivation.


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Sunday, December 11, 2022

THIS WEEK INSIDE THE BIG TENT


Hi there, here’s what you need to know for the week of December 9, 2022, in 10 minutes.
THIS WEEK INSIDE THE BIG TENT:

① Right-wing billionaires like Elon Musk want to control Twitter because they understand how it punches above its weight as a social platform

② For the platform to maintain its abstract value, that means it has to remain either influential to elites, or an irresistible font of political gossip of the kind that tipped the 2016 election

③ The dream of reinstalling the hard right to power is why Musk et al will go to great lengths to prevent Twitter from falling back into responsible hands; fortunately, Democrats just won the power they need to compete with the right in the information wars for the next two years
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PLAYING THE ELON GAME

In my two week absence, Elon Musk dragged Twitter back to the bad old days of 2015 and 2016, when armies of fascist trolls stood ready to torment anyone (but particularly women and ethnic and religious and sexual minorities) who use the service to advance liberal ends.

Then, after that decision fed a horrifying antisemitic spectacle and meltdown featuring Kanye West and Donald Trump, Musk changed the topic by mining Twitter’s vast internal communications to advance a false Republican storyline about Twitter’s “collusion” with Democrats to help Joe Biden beat Donald Trump.

Against that backdrop, I interviewed Kara Swisher, who seems skeptical that these developments will have any material or political consequences in the real world, beyond the freakshow spectacle. 

Here, without hazarding any predictions or assuming that Musk can marshal his control over Twitter in precise ways, I want to lay out what I think he thinks the point of all this is, why he and his GOP allies are ecstatic about how this is all going, and thus will they'll fight so hard to maintain the new status quo. 
① ELITE OR DEFEAT

For any of this to make sense, it really helps to be part of the regular churn of political Twitter, which over time will give you a feel for why Twitter is powerful, despite being a fraction of the size of other social media networks and basically unprofitable. Twitter doesn’t influence the world by putting ideas or arguments or lies in front of so many eyeballs that it affects mass perception through scale. Rather, Twitter is a place where people with access to eyeballs, and even to the direct levers of power, learn about what’s happening in the world, and gather their opinions about what it all means. 

It is not uncommon to watch ideas leap seamlessly from Twitter thread into the churn of U.S. policy making or political strategy or mainstream news media. As long as influential elites continue to use it the way they use it, having control over what dominates political discourse on Twitter will affect what our political leaders choose to prioritize, what candidates choose to talk about, what journalists choose to cover. 

From where I sit, then, if Musk wants to maintain the abstract value of his purchase for the long haul he will need to strike a balance of some kinds that preserves the aspects of Twitter that make it such a powerful tool for journalists, researchers, policymakers, etc, while also changing the overall tenor of what crosses into people’s feeds. Think of Fox News (“fair and balanced!”) in the days before a critical mass of elites finally accepted that Fox was simply part of the GOP propaganda apparatus—before its white-nationalist power hours drove advertisers away and it entered its symbiosis with Donald Trump. If Musk degrades Twitter until it becomes like Gab or Truth Social or any of the other low-rent, right-wing microblogging platforms, it will lose its agenda-setting power, and thus the main reason an ideological billionaire might want to own it.   

But in a way, that might be one of the better of several plausible scenarios.
② LEAK AND DESTROY

Consider another scenario—one where Musk continues this “anything right-wing goes” regime, save for occasional high-profile suspensions and expulsions of unrepentant Nazis like Kanye West, and continues using his control over the company to run and amplify propaganda feints like the recent TWITTER FILES rollout. 

Elite usage patterns might start to change in that case, but Twitter itself will still be a wellspring of political news. Then we’re basically left hoping that Musk and his ideological partners remain too clumsy about this stuff, and mainstream media journalists too wise to them, to overrun our national discourse with nonsense and distractions.

The obvious, first-order purpose of TWITTER FILES is to saturate both Twitter and other media with credulous, hyperventilating coverage of a supposed conspiracy that all participating parties know to be fabricated. If successful, it will replicate the feeding-frenzy environment of 2016, when all media became overrun with information about Hillary Clinton’s emails, and, later, the emails that Trump-aligned Russian hackers stole from prominent Democrats. It will also create enough odor of wrongdoing to lend credence to GOP assertions that Twitter, through its alleged-but-fake collusion with Democrats, cost Trump re-election—a funhouse version of the very real 2016 Russian election-subversion scandal. 

It mostly failed in that regard so far. And if that’s how this goes generally—well, OK, it’ll be really embarrassing for the people involved, and damaging to an important platform, but we can take solace in schadenfreude that Musk can’t figure out how to wield his new power for nefarious ends.  

But I don’t see any reason beyond recency bias to assume Musk won’t try to innovate in the ratfucking realm. 

In the course of seeding TWITTER FILES with his favorite mercenary writers, Musk didn’t just leak deliberative communications internal to Twitter. The documents included emails outside parties sent to Twitter employees, under the expectation that they’d remain private. Here the purpose wasn’t primarily to damage the emailer. In this specific case, the email came from Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA), who wrote in with some gentle criticism of Twitter’s short-lived effort to contain the spread of a New York Post story about the stolen contents of Hunter Biden’s laptop. And Khanna comes across looking very independent minded. But the fact that Musk included his emails, only to buttress the false storyline about malfeasance at Twitter, puts us on the wrong side of a big red line.

If a private communication has crossed Twitter’s servers, Musk now controls it, and if he’s willing to publicize a handful of emails to advance personal or political vendettas, we can’t really assume anything is safe. Including, apparently, direct messages. Now imagine how many communications he has at his disposal—not just emails to Twitter executives, but DMs to them, or even just DMs between powerful people. What if he decides leaking them is useful? And what are the chances that none of them are juicy enough to get the 2016 media EMAILS machine whirring up again?

Even if he stops playing the part of Wikileaks and Wikileaker all in one, Musk has already set in motion a chain of events that could end in alarming places. Republicans, after all, are undaunted by the fact that TWITTER FILES is nothing more than a bunch of B-actors holding their noses, pretending they smelled a fart. That’s their core competency! When they take control of the House in a few short weeks, they’ll have the power to replicate what Musk did at Twitter throughout the tech world. They have already spun up a fantasy in which an imaginary conspiracy that didn’t actually engulf Twitter and the Biden campaign actually spread throughout Silicon Valley, and that they’ll find evidence of yet more collusion at places like Facebook and Google. 

More noses pinched, more fingers pointed. And if that's all it was, you might think "who cares?!" Republicans have been bullying tech platforms into privileging right-wing propaganda by leveling false accusations of bias and censorship against them since at least 2016. But keep in mind, the half-baked version of this conspiracy theory already drove the leader of the GOP to propose terminating the Constitution.
③ NO BAD DEED GOES UNSUBPOENAED

The x-factor in all this is that Musk has submarined Twitter’s ad revenue and also saddled it with enormous debt, creating a solvency problem that even his drastic cost-cutting measures probably can’t solve. It’s thus conceivable that Musk won’t be running Twitter for very long, and that whoever assumes control in his place will try to restore some semblance of the pre-October status quo.

That would be the least-bad outcome, but I just don’t think it’s very likely. As Kara noted in our conversation, Musk is rich enough that he can just buy out his jilted investors at a discount. But however that math gets sorted out, I have a hard time imagining Musk and his very wealthy acolytes allowing Twitter to fall back into responsible, non-partisan hands. 

The libs are owned, after all, which means more to these guys than a few marginal billion dollars. Some of them surely thrill just as much to owning the libs as to the first-order amplification of fascist ideas. But the value proposition here isn’t entirely abstract; you can also think of it as an internally hedged bet. 

For all the ways what they’re doing here rhymes with 2016, I think they really are trying to recreate the actual dynamics that prevailed during that election. They know, because they benefited from it enormously, that Trump won the 2016 election by a trivial Electoral College margin; that but for a media ecosystem flooded with nonsense, he would’ve lost. And they imagine, not unreasonably, that something like that could happen again. That they might even be able to will such a scenario into existence. And if they succeed, their reward will be huge tax cuts, a revived war on unions, helter-skelter deregulation devised in its particulars to benefit GOP soldiers like Musk. If you and your buddies have a collective net worth of hundreds of billions of dollars, why not gamble a few billion dollars on that? 

The good news in all this is that Democrats will have 51 Senate seats next year (Kyrsten Sinema's attention-seeking notwithstanding) which means they will have subpoena power, and can at least in theory match House Republicans subpoena for subpoena, investigation for investigation, aimed at genuine wrongdoing, which would go a long way toward drowning out the Republican disinformation machine.

In perhaps slightly ill-advised remarks celebrating victory in the Georgia runoff election, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer observed, “We have subpoena power, which we didn’t, and everyone says ‘well, you know, you don’t want to subpoena the Biden administration.’ No! But we can subpoena all kinds of corporate bad deeds, climate bad deeds, all kinds of other things.”

Like the “Things” in Linens ‘n Things, and the “Beyond” in Bed, Bath & Beyond, a whole universe of possibility resides in the part he didn’t enumerate. It’s where all the uninvestigated Trump scandals lie, including ones that have come to light since he left office (a $2 billion Saudi bribe to Jared Kushner?) that became extremely urgent when he announced his third presidential candidacy. 

But just in the realm of “corporate bad deeds”—Twitter is a corporation. Fox News is a corporation, one that was reportedly under a sprawling federal criminal investigation until it mysteriously vanished under Bill Barr. While neither old Twitter nor the Biden campaign did anything wrong as they grappled with the genuinely bizarre, suspicious, revenge-porny circumstances surrounding Hunter Biden’s laptop, the Trump administration (that is, the actual government) repeatedly attempted to bring corporate media to heel through abuses of government power that went largely uninvestigated. 

If I were Schumer, I’d start there; the alternative may be to cede the mantle of free speech to the censorious would-be dictators now claiming it in bad faith.

Big Tent was off last week because I was in Sofia, Bulgaria, where I had the honor of addressing the World Press Institute’s New Horizons in Journalism Conference. It was a great event. You can watch the whole thing here. 

Before I left, Jon Favreau and I recorded a Positively Dreadful/Offline crossover episode where we aired out an internal debate we’ve had about whether Democrats could be better fighters in the information wars, and what that might look like. Listen to the whole episode here (or elsewhere on the PD feed, obviously).

If you’re new to the Hunter Biden laptop pseudoscandal, and found any part of the above confusing as a result, this Kevin Drum recap will be extremely helpful.

Though he omitted this key piece of the scandal!

Highlight of the week right here.

OK, tied for highlight of the week.

The long and short of it…
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Saturday, December 10, 2022

Another Day, Another Book Against the Woke "New Puritans"


www.theunpopulist.net
Another Day, Another Book Against the Woke "New Puritans"
Marks, Jonathan
10 - 13 minutes

Shutterstock. Disobey Art

Book Review

Andrew Doyle, a journalist and comedian who holds a Ph.D. in Renaissance poetry, has written extensively on free speech issues. But he is best known for his parody Twitter persona, Titania McGrath. Titania, who describes herself as a “radical intersectionalist poet” and “ecosexual,” can be funny, in part because she is only a hair more absurd than the progressives Doyle mocks through her.

When Titania tweets, “There is a very good reason why self-harming among chickens is on the rise … WORDS HAVE CONSEQUENCES,” she isn’t pulling it out of thin air. She’s commenting on a post from People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals that urges us to abandon the insult “chicken” in favor of “coward” and thereby “reject [speciesist] supremacist language.”

That’s funny if you ask me. But the New Puritans: How the Religion of Social Justice Captured the Western World, Doyle’s latest book, isn’t. Like Titania, the real-life Doyle, who bills himself as a moderate liberal, highlights the absurdities and excesses of the contemporary left wing in the U.K. and the U.S. But, unlike her, Doyle is attacking not the leftist fringe but what he considers the mainstream left, which, as far as he is concerned, has become “regressive” rather than progressive. Moreover, these leftists who “brook no dissent” have taken “control of our major cultural, political, educational, and corporate institutions.” Doyle seeks to rally fellow liberals who value “civil discourse, the free exchange of views and evidence-based analysis” against these “high priests of the religion of Critical Social Justice.”

Veterans of this anti-left front in the culture war will find much to agree with here—as do I. We are distressed that trans issues have become difficult to discuss. For example, no one dare say that overuse of hormonal and surgical treatments for trans-identifying youth may one day be viewed as “a grave medical-political scandal.” Similarly, it’s become risky to opine that “most disparities between Black and white people … are not due in 2022 to ‘racism’ in any sense compatible with clear and honest language.” (Ironically, even the claim that Americans are “losing … the right to speak their minds and voice their opinions in public without fear of being shamed or shunned” invites a torrent of abuse.) Liberals may not endorse such views, but they do believe that it should be possible to enunciate them without risking one’s livelihood.

That said, every quotation in the preceding paragraph is drawn from the opinion pages of The New York Times, the last from its editorial board.

It is true, as Doyle notes, that this same New York Times, under pressure from staffers, pushed out its opinion editor, James Bennet, for publishing an op-ed by Sen. Tom Cotton that called for summoning federal troops under the Insurrection Act to quell the arson, vandalism and looting in the aftermath of the killing of George Floyd by a police officer. The staffers considered the op-ed itself “tantamount to violence.” Doyle is probably right to be upset about all this. Cancel culture is not a mere right-wing talking point. He offers ample evidence that it takes only prudence and observation—not a Breitbart subscription—to fear that you can be condemned, harassed, investigated or passed over for a promotion if the right people decide that you are a racist, sexist or transphobe.

But a book that seeks to honestly and accurately diagnose the extent to which free speech and inquiry is ailing must account both for the pressure against holding certain heterodox opinions—pressure that can cost a person their job—and the fact that those opinions do find voice in the mainstream media. Doyle, who harps on the “ideological capture of today’s major institutions,” isn’t equipped to offer such an account.

Be that as it may, who exactly has done this alleged capturing, according to Doyle? In chapters loosely organized by theme, he rounds up the usual suspects that anti-left critics have long pointed to: critical race theorists, gender activists, Marx, Foucault, Marcuse. He uses their worst attributes to construct the new puritanism. The new puritans believe, according to him, in “the perfectibility of mankind” through the control of language and the creation of “an entirely fresh pseudo-reality.” They reject “reason, evidence-led analysis, and critical thinking” and “abjure the very notion of objective truth.”

They believe in tearing down monuments and vandalizing art made by morally imperfect artists. They “reject the appreciation of beauty” that “demands and evokes humility.” They believe in collectivist identity politics. They reject Martin Luther King’s “famous dream of a future in which ‘people will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.’” They reject “equality of opportunity” and believe in “equality of outcome.”

This list of beliefs does not, for Doyle, add up to a coherent ideology. “The appeal of authoritarianism” ties the new puritanism together. Or perhaps fundamentalism does. (He doesn’t make it entirely clear.) The new puritans process “half apprehended” Marxism through the “meat-grinder of a new fundamentalist fervor.” The “greatest failing of the new puritans” is that they “allow [their] reason to be dominated by [their] passion.”

For all of Doyle’s attentiveness to the philosophical roots of the “new religion” of critical social justice, he looks for that religion’s essence not in the books it refers to but in its socio-psychology. So we get an earful about its adherents’ “infantile tantrums” and “entitled demands.” We hear that, just like the girls of Salem, we take the “pink haired loons” much too seriously when they point their finger at someone. In a reference to Arthur Miller’s play, The Crucible, Doyle concludes, just a few pages after he challenges us to “restore the need for nuance,” that “the keys of the kingdom must be wrenched back from the crazy children.”

Doyle isn’t wrong about censoriousness on the left, but his account of the new puritans and their power is too simplistic and exaggerated to be of much use. To be fair, Doyle makes any number of concessions to nuance. But he almost always pulls the rug out from under himself in that regard.

For example, he concedes that there is an identity politics of the left and the right. But his treatment of the two lacks any sense of proportion. A tiny student Twitter account that whitewashed Stalin’s gulags rates a couple of paragraphs—not to mention a lecture on the “tendency to persist with false convictions even when evidence is produced to contradict them.” How much space is merited for Steve Bannon, who believes that the way to counter the media is to “flood the zone with shit,” and whose very popular podcast regularly features voter fraud nonsense, and who openly described Breitbart Media when he was its chair as a “platform for the alt-right”? The same—a couple of paragraphs. There is time though for a lecture on the “historical illiteracy” of branding Bannon a fascist.

Doyle dismisses with a wave of the hand the robust debate among liberals like him, as well as conservatives, about whether the fascism label does in fact fit some pieces of the Trumpian right. What’s stunning is that a writer purporting to study evidence-free beliefs and mass delusion doesn’t think birtherism, election denialism and so on are worthy of note. The right appears in the New Puritans as a racist but powerless fringe—and that, too, mostly when Doyle wants to chide the left for abetting or resembling far rightists.

That makes sense because if Doyle’s thesis about the new puritans’ “stranglehold” over our institutions is to work, the contemporary GOP can’t exist; Fox News can’t exist; social media platforms on which conservative publications do remarkably well can’t exist. Unsurprisingly, they hardly feature in the book. That, however, is a problem for an author whose repeated refrain is that the new puritans are selling an “alternative reality.”

In another concession to nuance, Doyle allows that the “charge of systemic racism should be taken seriously,” in part because “racist policies from the past can have an impact on the perpetuation of racism in the present.” But he doesn’t consider one conclusion that a reasonable person might draw from that admission, namely, that one can’t combat such racism without focusing on race. Nor does he consider another explanation—that a peoplehood can be forged in part from a common history, including a history of discrimination.

A sensible liberal response to those suggestions might be that race-neutral politics are more likely to mitigate the harms of discrimination than race-conscious politics. But Doyle insists that race-conscious politics are identity politics and that “the perverse end point of identity politics—whether that be on the identitarian left or the racist far right—is segregation.”

Whatever one thinks of the “affinity housing” one encounters on some college campuses that Doyle criticizes as a form of segregation, it doesn’t make us wiser to narrow our sense of the difference between voluntarily living with people with whom we have something in common and being compelled to live with people because others consider us inferior, disloyal or dirty. That’s not to say that there aren’t fruitful comparisons to be made between the left and the right, or even between self-styled anti-racists and racists. But such comparisons shouldn’t collapse the difference between an internment camp and a Japanese culture club.

The idea that social justice is a religion of sorts is now, as Doyle concedes, “commonplace” as is his puritan analogy. Many thoughtful books have been written about the ways in which the principles and psychology of left-wing activism undermine liberal principles, the pursuit of knowledge or progressive reform. Many of them are popular books that require no additional popularization.

So, if a new book is going to tread this well-worn ground, it should be in the service of making us smarter about the present climate for free expression and inquiry. Instead, despite regular nods to the value of reasonableness, Doyle seeks to rile us up. In a characteristic moment, Doyle warns, “we must exercise a degree of caution when it comes to drawing comparisons between the antics of ‘woke’ activists and the horrors that Solzhenitsyn describes.” But only a degree. So he plunges right in.

An anti-woke Titania McGrath could hardly have done better.

Jonathan Marks, a professor of politics at Ursinus College and a conservative, is the author of Let’s Be Reasonable: A Conservative Case for Liberal Education

Share The UnPopulist

Artisanal, human-crafted mailbag


www.slowboring.com
Artisanal, human-crafted mailbag
Matthew Yglesias
22 - 27 minutes

I prompted Chat GPT to “Write an introduction to a weekly mailbag column” and it gave me this: Welcome to our weekly mailbag column where we answer questions from our readers. Each week, we will select a few questions from our readers and provide insightful and informative answers. Our goal is to help our readers learn more about a wide range of topics and to address any concerns they may have. Whether you have a question about current events, science, history, or any other topic, we are here to help. So send us your questions and we will do our best to provide you with thoughtful and helpful responses. Thanks for reading and we look forward to hearing from you.

That’s pretty good writing, but it’s soliciting questions and not actually introducing the column where the questions get answered. So there is still room for human journalists!

M Bartley: What did you like about the ending of “The Menu”? Myself and the two other people I know who saw it both enjoyed the movie but found the ending pretty weak.

Definitely an example of a movie where the first hour is better than the second hour. What I said on Letterboxd (don’t click unless you’re ready for spoilers) is that I think you have to consider the curve you’re grading on. Despite the horror and thriller trappings, this is really a comedy and comedies are usually weaker at the end. And really high-concept stuff like this in particular has a tendency to fall apart. I think given all that, they stuck the landing pretty well and the very last shot is cool.

But whenever this movie ends up on a streaming platform, I can definitely see myself firing it up, watching for a while, and then heading to bed without finishing the rewatch.

Sharty: What possible incentives could be offered the journalistic ouroboros that could incentivize at least a little bit of policy coverage with respect to potential presidential (and other) candidates like RDS, as you have complained before?

Or, more prosaically, how can we individual media consumers contribute on the margins to such incentivization? I can avoid clicking on culture war chum online, which is easy enough (and I do), but what about print/TV/radio media? There seems to be no good/direct/succinct feedback mechanism.

It’s hard for any one person to massively influence these things. But I like to say that posting is praxis. If journalists see a lot of people talking about Ron DeSantis’ refusal to expand Medicaid, hurting his state’s economy, and denying insurance coverage to hundreds of thousands of people all for the sake of avoiding a trivially small spending increase, then they are going to be more inclined to write about it or ask about it. If journalists get questions about DeSantis’ past votes for Paul Ryan's budget frameworks or what DeSantis thinks about fiscal policy issues, they may be inspired to write about what we know and don’t know about this.

If higher-level pundits and political figures who talk about DeSantis in a taxes/health care frame receive positive feedback, then they will talk about it more. I just encourage everyone to try to be polite, sincere, and upbeat in what they say, but most influential people on social media are paying at least some attention to the feedback they get from less influential people. If you express interest and curiosity in certain things, you can push people to pay more attention to them. I also think it’s important to try to avoid getting dragged into “is he just as bad as Trump”-style debates. There are certain unique, awful aspects of Trump that RDS hopefully avoids. But it’s totally legitimate to express fear and concern about the prospect of a president who has repeatedly taken big political risks for the sake of making health insurance worse for the poor and the elderly — there’s a kind of incommensurable badness there that’s just worth talking about.

Joshua: What are the prospects (if any) for better local media coverage of local political issues and candidates? The demise of medium- and small-size papers has left a coverage gap in many parts of the country. There are various efforts to fill the gap with new papers, blogs, websites, nonprofits, but many places (like central PA where I live) are still missing good (or any) local coverage. What can individuals do to help, assuming we don't have time to attend local council and board meetings personally?

It depends in part on the specifics of the local situation, but the biggest thing anyone can do is be the audience for state and local coverage. Paying some money to subscribe to the best local news available is a pretty good idea, even if it’s not amazingly good, because the way markets work is you only get investment and competition if people think there is a market. One thing I always suggest people check out is whether there is something like Central Penn Business Journal that may be off the typical consumer’s radar.

My basic view is that local news is largely an audience interest problem, which makes it hard for even nonprofit players to operate successfully. Even if your business model is nonprofit, it’s still the case that foundations and grantmakers are going to want to give money to outlets with large audiences.

Srw: The White House Press Secretary said several times, in a threatening tone, that the White House was “keeping a close eye” on Twitter. It is easy to imagine a future White House similarly threatening, say, the Washington Post or Slow Boring. Does this go beyond criticism and call into question the administration's respect for the first amendment?

I didn’t view that as a particularly threatening statement, but if the Biden administration were to start directly threatening media outlets, they would be joining the Trump administration (which said tons of crazy stuff and also actually abused antitrust law to punish CNN) and the Obama administration (which launched unprecedented levels of criminal leak inquiries) and the Bush administration (which was the king of the vaguely worded “watch what you say” threat). Those are the only administrations I’ve covered, so I can’t really speak to how things went under Clinton or Poppa Bush, but it’s absolutely a reasonable concern that government officials will seek to improperly coerce the press. That’s why you need regulators and judges with integrity.

Jacob: How do you think large language models, like ChatGPT, are going to change education?

It’s not at all obvious to me, so instead I’ll frame my answer as a question: Should educators think of these tools as a source of cheating and redesign their assignments so that students aren’t using them, or should they think of them as writing tools (comparable to a spellcheck program) that everyone should use and that just set the bar higher in terms of what kinds of outputs we expect to see?

Lost Future: You have been pretty enthusiastic about the Inflation Reduction Act and associated moves to enhance clean energy tech in the US. However, our allies including Europe and South Korea are apparently much less enthusiastic about it- the bill contains a number of Buy American provisions, and I believe only grants tax credits to American electric cars. In fact I'd go so far as to say that France, Germany and South Korea are mildly apoplectic about this kind of protectionism, and to my understanding they can make a formal complaint to the WTO if they choose to.

I believe that you're generally pro-free trade (correct me if I'm wrong). How can we balance national investments in much-needed clean energy technology, with non-protectionist legislation that doesn't harm our major allies & trading partners?

I think this is a question of leveling up versus leveling down. What the EU wants is for all the IRA subsidies to be in place, but without the provisions in place designed to prevent the money from leaking to foreign producers. It would be nice for them if we did that, but it would also undermine the political economy behind the law. What Europe ought to do is enact a similarly ambitious set of production subsidies, and then the U.S. and Europe should allow imports of each other’s stuff.

Tokyo Sex Whale: What do you think of the House Democrats working out a coalition deal with a few moderate Republicans? Let one of them (or a non-member like John Kasich) be Speaker and give them whatever committees and chairs they wish with modest servings of pork. The Dems would have little legislative expectations either way, but it would defang MTG, Gaetz, Jordan, etc. and prevent stunts around investigations and the debt limit. It would also give Biden and the D's a moderate bipartisan vibe going into 2024.

I don’t see great prospects for action here. The basic issue is moderate Republicans aren’t particularly motivated to do favors for Hunter Biden, and while Democrats would like to raise the debt ceiling, they also aren’t particularly motivated by this issue because they think Republicans making a big public demand for cuts to retirement programs will backfire.

Mattdmk: Did our experience with large scale direct cash payments during the pandemic, and the inflation that followed it, ruin the politics for universal basic income?

I don’t think anything is ruined. But back during the 2010-2020 period, claims like “the real constraint is inflation, not budget math” were often taken to have very left-wing implications which I think turn out to not really be true.

Scott Rada: What do you think parents should tell their kids about Santa?

As a person experiencing Jewishness, my anxiety is always that if Jews spill the beans, Santa-enthusiast parents will orchestrate pogroms. Beyond that, I leave it in the hands of the goyim.

[Editor’s note: As a person not currently experiencing Jewishness, I think everything about the concept of Santa is pretty weird! While Matt and I are divided on the question of whether to threaten our child with pogroms, we found offering a bonus New Year’s present for not making any of his classmates cry before Christmas to be pretty effective for our non-Santa household.]

Chip Mosher: I've thought for a long time that the progressive Dems should promote universal single payer healthcare as a boon to entrepreneurship. I don't have any hard data to prove that that's right but it feels right to me, that more people would start more business if they didn't have to worry about healthcare. Looking at my industry for example, comic books, with a handful of publishers that rely on freelancers for talent pool — there's an inordinate amount of creators from UK and Canada, and I always thought that was indicative of bigger social safety net letting people pursuing more non-traditional career paths...

The practical politics of this end up hanging pretty substantially on financing mechanisms — if everyone got health care through a government program (including potentially one with private participation like ACA exchanges or Medicare Advantage) that was funded through a VAT, then I think that’s clearly a boon to entrepreneurship and broadly speaking “good for business.” But real-world progressive health plans rely heavily on taxing the rich, so it ends up playing as primarily a tax policy question.

Hutcheson: Granted that “cancel culture” in academe is not the world’s top priority problem but is there anything productive that a good faith conservative state legislature could do to promote less of an ideological bias in state universities.

I think conservatives need to think a little bit harder about what it is they actually think about higher education. Here are three different center-right narratives that are in reasonably wide circulation:

    We need more practical education that is aimed at useful job skills and delivers economic benefits to individuals and society. This is like a conservative critique of student loan relief or something Marco Rubio would say.

    We need more “old-fashioned” education that challenges preconceptions, wrestles with difficult ideas, and engages the canon. This is like the Chicago Principles or the kind of thing I heard a lot when I went to a Heterodox Academy conference.

    We need to accept that education is largely just pointless status-seeking and consumption, and we should reduce the number of resources our society dedicates to this and the power and prestige of top universities. That’s in Bryan Caplan’s books and in a lot of takes you see on the internet about how employers should give job candidates IQ tests. 

These takes all kind of converge to express a negative attitude toward incumbent universities, left-wing faculty, faddish political ideas, cancel culture, etc. But they’re actually very different claims. And in particular, the kind of ideas from bullet point two or in the book “The Coddling of the American Mind” have opposite implications from the ideas in points one and three. Right now, anti-coddlers are in a coalition with anti-humanists and education skeptics on the basis of “the enemy of my enemy is my friend,” but to devise a constructive anti-coddling agenda, you need to break out of that coalition.

City Dweller: Any thoughts on the White House's just-announced guidance on incorporating “indigenous knowledge” into federal agency decision-making?

I’ve read this twice, and I don’t really understand what it says.

I think it’s an example of a dynamic that is pretty toxic: academics like to come up with striking-sounding terms for things, then foundations tend to port these academic concepts into an advocacy context, and then executive branch officials want to show responsiveness to the advocates, so they embrace weird, radical-sounding jargon, the upshot of which may actually be pretty banal. There was a Nature article right around Thanksgiving whose headline was about “Decolonizing” agricultural research, but its specific proposal was that “decolonization should go beyond simply citing colleagues from developing countries to including them in conferences and as co-authors.” Now if I were trying to communicate the idea “it would be good to invite more scholars from poor countries to conferences about agriculture,” I think I would just say that. These scholars might have valuable perspectives, and the conferences are a networking opportunity that could help the field.

So back to “indigenous knowledge” — is this a fancy, off-putting, radical-sounding way of saying “we should consult with indigenous communities about what’s up when we make changes?” That sounds very reasonable! Or are we actually endorsing some radical epistemological ideas? I find the document very unclear and the overall rhetorical approach to be at best unhelpful.

Ed Tantamount: Could you please reduce your use of the phrase “at the margin” in non-economic contexts? You seem really fond of it but it tends to make your meaning obscure and confusing.

I should perhaps try to use this phrase slightly less often (see me not saying it there), but I think exposing the concept of thinking at the margin to slightly more people would be valuable and one of the most efficacious ways to achieve that is to encourage those who are already familiar with it to use the terminology a little bit more frequently and publicly.

Alex Newkirk: Has the last 2 years caused any adjustment in your assessment of the hydraulic vs. expectations hypotheses of monetary action?

I used to be all-in on expectations, and I think the past year has mostly supported a hydraulic interpretation so I’m now a little uncertain. However, I do think commodity price shocks and measurement error in housing inflation have been a really big deal as well. I’ll be interested to see what happens in the year ahead. The real hydraulic heads are saying that despite housing inflation now calming, we’ll need a recession to tame inflation, even if we can keep commodities on track. I’m just not sure I buy that.

Mitch P: One underrated piece of the SBF story and his unconventional, outspoken response to the whole FTX collapse is his mom literally wrote the book on nonconsequentialism , which it seems is a driving force behind his ambivalence to whether what he did was wrong or feeling any remorse. Does that change the way we should be looking at his response, namely eschewing legal advice and trying to aggressively win in the court of public opinion?

I really like that book and am a pretty ardent consequentialist, so I’ve been annoyed by the tendency to see what happened here as reflecting underlying flaws in consequentialist thinking. To me it’s the opposite: the kind of reckless actions and breaches of faith that SBF undertook have been plainly disastrous for the causes that he claimed to believe in. A lot of people think consequentialism implies weird, perverse things about banal interpersonal relationships like “should you rip off your customers if it’s for a good cause?” but we just got an object lesson in the reality that it does not.

As Fried argues in her book, the merit of consequentialism is that non-consequentialism doesn’t provide any good way of thinking about complicated, large-scale questions that inherently involve interpersonal tradeoffs. But boring deontological intuitions about how we should interact with other people on a day-to-day basis are themselves well-backed by consideration of practical consequences.

Henry: What do you think of Sam Bankman-Fried's statement that he “would never read a book” since any book could be a “six-paragraph blog post”? I've certainly read books that could have been articles and articles that could be summed up in a few paragraphs, but to me this indicates that he really doesn't think the world is a very complicated place, which makes me skeptical of his ethical reasoning and ability to identify humanity's biggest challenges and their potential solutions.

I think he should have read his mom’s book.

srynerson: Alternate history question: George Washington runs for reelection a second time and wins a third term as President. (I think the general historical consensus is that he likely could have won a third term without difficult had he chosen to do so.) Superficially, this probably doesn't change much in the short run because, presuming he still dies in 1799, Washington would die partway through his third term and John Adams as VP would succeed him, just as Adams followed Washington by reelection. At the same time, however, it would probably establish the acceptability of at least running for three terms, if not the acceptability of running until one either loses or dies in office.

At what point do you think this would cause the choice of presidents to diverge from the historical record (i.e., who would be the first three-term president after Washington) and what would the consequence be of that specific change in who was president? (I won't ask for your projection over the rest of US history, because my suspicion is that after the first three-termer, things would start diverging rapidly enough to make any analysis unmoored from the historical record, but feel free to disagree.)

I’m not really much of a Jefferson-head, but my understanding from a tour at Monticello years ago and confirmed by a Wikipedia page (at least I’m not letting AI write these answers), Jefferson didn't really enjoy being president and was thrilled to hand things off to James Madison, who along with Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin had been kind of running the show for much of his second term anyway.

Madison and James Monroe, by contrast, had a bad relationship in Jefferson’s second term, and one of the things Madison did was take action to patch things up. With that done, he seemed happy to follow the Washington/Jefferson precedent and hand off to Monroe. But imagine a world in which that reconciliation doesn’t quite work, and Monroe continues to be an intra-party rival of Madison’s, which maybe makes Madison want to hold on to office. Madison could have secured re-nomination and would have crushed Rufus King in 1816 (as Monroe did), precipitating the collapse of the Federalist Party just as we saw in our world. But I don’t ultimately know how much difference this makes to American history — I think you still see the emergence of something a lot like the Second Party System. Maybe Jackson ends up serving a third term in this history. Maybe Grant does. But neither of those occurrences would have a dramatic impact on history. What’s more interesting is the prospect of Teddy Roosevelt running for re-election in 1908 and averting the GOP split in 1912.

TF: How would you advise a candidate from the left of the Democratic Party to win the primary while still being positioned to win the general?

First off, I would hire consultants with roots on the left side of intra-factional disputes. Second, I would invest some real time and energy in talking to journalists who have roots on the left side of intra-factional disputes to make sure they know I’m on their side and agree with them about the need to overthrow the corrupt Democratic establishment. And I would try to convey the same to major institutional funders of left-factionalism. I want to really convince these people that I am one of them, that I agree with them, and that I want them to help me beat the bad establishment — in part by neutralizing their electability arguments — rather than have them spend a lot of time urging me to say leftist stuff.

But then publicly, I would talk a lot about Medicare price negotiations for prescription drugs, federally-funded generic drug manufacturing, and regulating credit card interest rates. These are very popular leftist ideas that industry hates and moderate Democrats resist. But I wouldn’t call my intra-party antagonists “moderate Democrats,” I would say “the weak establishment of both parties.” And I wouldn’t call my ideas progressive or left-wing, I’d call them common sense. I’d complain about corporate wokewashing and fake DEI efforts in a way that leftists would hear as leftists but moderates would hear as moderate. Last, I’d insist on being super-patriotic while also talking about patriotism as a foundation of solidarity — we should expand Social Security benefits so that nobody who worked and paid into the system is living in poverty, and we should have free school lunches for all our kids.

Chris Freeberg: From the NY Mag on Matt Taibbi "There is, of course, no single style of Substack writer... but the platform has attracted numerous media dissidents — including [Taibbi], Bari Weiss, Andrew Sullivan, Matt Yglesias, and Greenwald" Motley crew to be lumped in with! I enjoyed when you and Josh Barro discussed where you disagreed most on his pod.... In the same vein, how you feel to be lumped in with Taibbi, Greenwald, and others who go in such a different direction with their dissident status? Are there areas where you see common ground or specific rabbit holes that you feel most explain your differences?

I guess I feel pretty good about being lumped in with Andrew Sullivan, who I think of as pretty similar to me in outlook but more conservative. What we both are, though, is moderate. What’s weird to me about Taibbi and Greenwald is that they processed getting disgruntled with the left by becoming right-wingers rather than by becoming moderate. I don’t think it’s hypocritical or inexplicable in either of their cases, but I do think it reflects a wrongheaded way of engaging in the political system and a misguided addiction to edginess.