Saturday, October 30, 2021
Congress Is Doing Better Than You Think
Friday, October 29, 2021
Republicans have mastered the politics of opposition
Republicans have mastered the politics of opposition
Not long ago, Republicans were a party in disarray. They had lost the presidency, the House and the Senate. They regularly expressed the fear that if they didn’t support efforts to overturn elections, their most extreme supporters would literally kill them and their families. Donald Trump, deeply unpopular and perhaps the greatest sore loser in history, still held them in his grip.
But now they have their groove back.
The GOP is still in many ways a chaotic mess. But Republicans are demonstrating their mastery of opposition politics. They’re like an experienced team of technicians deftly using their finely honed tools to mix ingredients and produce a chemical reaction. What they’re manufacturing happens to be a cloud of poison, but boy do these folks know what they’re doing.
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Consider Attorney General Merrick Garland’s appearance before the Senate Judiciary Committee this week. It’s a committee stocked with Republicans who have mastered the art of fake outrage and will likely run for president in 2024 if Trump opts out: Ted Cruz (Tex.), Tom Cotton (Ark.), Ben Sasse (Neb.) and Josh Hawley (Mo.).
Garland was peppered with questions about various inane right-wing preoccupations (What is he doing about Hunter Biden? Will he prosecute Anthony S. Fauci?), but what really had the senators animated was a memo that the Department of Justice released a few weeks ago instructing federal prosecutors to work with local officials to address threats and intimidation directed at school board members and educators.
That memo made clear that the department wouldn’t restrict anyone’s First Amendment rights, but the conservative elite knew political gold when they saw it. They immediately began telling their gullible audiences that President Biden’s Justice Department wanted to brand every concerned parent a terrorist.
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So Wednesday’s hearing turned into a truly epic performance of pretend indignation. Sasse and Cruz denounced “the politicization of the DOJ.” Hawley accused Garland of seeking to prosecute parents merely “because they want to be involved in their children’s education.” Hawley and Cotton both called on him to resign, “in disgrace,” as Cotton put it.
From a substantive standpoint, the hearing was not particularly consequential: No new information was revealed, and no legislation will result because of it. Yet on Fox News, the central hub of the conservative media wheel, they treated the hearing as though it was as important as the moon landing or the fall of the Berlin Wall.
Fox carried parts of the hearing live, then recycled the sound bites from Republican senators over and over throughout the day and into the next. Senators were then brought on Fox shows to recount their triumphant battle; other Fox hosts made the hearing the subject of extended rants.
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Meanwhile, throughout the conservative world, the issue of “education” — i.e., the rage of conservative parents over the idea that their children might be taught that racism is something more than a 19th-century curiosity — has consumed the right. On National Review, you could find half a dozen articles just on Wednesday and Thursday about the Garland hearing and its associated issues.
Teachers across the country are caught in the middle of the latest flash point in America's culture war: critical race theory. Here's what it entails. (Adriana Usero, Drea Cornejo, Brian Monroe/The Washington Post)
This is happening while Glenn Youngkin, the party’s candidate for governor in Virginia, has decided to center his campaign on the supposed threat of critical race theory. The closeness of that race has convinced everyone on the right that this issue will be extremely profitable for them, paying untold dividends in rage and resentment, the fuel that powers their movement.
So let’s pull our view back.
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There is no real federal policy question at issue here. And if there were, these senators would barely know what to do with it; none of them has ever written a truly significant piece of legislation. That’s not part of their jobs as they see them.
They don’t care any more about the details of school curriculums than they did about proper email management procedures or consular security when they used those “issues” to torpedo Hillary Clinton.
Benghazi is the real model here: a regrettable incident that they successfully milked for years as though it were the crime of the century, mounting no fewer than eight separate congressional investigations.
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But here’s a newfound demonstration of their skill: Back then, they had control of the House and then the Senate, giving them the institutional authority to create news events by holding hearings at which they could preen and shout. They don’t have that now. But their propaganda system is both agile and mature, so that as soon as they find an issue that appears to induce the proper anger among their base, they can find ways to whip it into an absolute frenzy.
At some point they’ll decide that this has run its course, and they’ll find something else to pretend to be mad about. If you watch Fox for a day, you’ll see a dozen fake issues being road-tested to see what might catch on. But one thing is clear: Republicans are back in their comfort zone.
Ideologues exist on the left and the right. Only one side threatens the country.
Ideologues exist on the left and the right. Only one side threatens the country.
If the American experiment dies, the cause will be terminal bothsidesism.
This is not to deny that our politics is ideologically bipolar. There is a party of the left that advocates ambitious government and progressive social values. There is a party of the right that defends limited government and conservative social virtues. The differences between the sides concern the largest matters of penury or prosperity, sickness or health, death or life.
But the genius of American government has been to contain fundamental policy disagreements within a legal structure where political victory is never total and political loss is never final. And Americans have generally viewed this liberal democratic framework not only as an efficient form of self-government but as a noble one.
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People may be rivals in a balance of power, but they are also partners in a great enterprise. America coheres due to shared pride in a brilliant set of democratic procedures crafted in the 18th century. And the successful operation of that system presupposes citizens with certain democratic ideals: a respect for truth, the rejection of politically motivated violence, a commitment to social and political equality, and reverence for the rule of law.
Is it possible to locate ideological hotheads on both left and right who care nothing for democratic procedures and values? Of course. In a country of 330 million people, one can find plenty of anarchist rioters, Marxist college professors and administrators who use tolerance as a club to beat those they deem intolerant. But judging their threat as equivalent to that of the populist right is itself a threat to the country. At some point, a lack of moral proportion becomes a type of moral failure.
My main concern here is with previously rational and respectable conservatives who are providing ideological cover for the triumph of Trumpism on the right. Often some scruple prevents them from joining fully in former president Donald Trump’s gleeful assault on democratic legitimacy. So their main strategy is to assert that leftist depredations against democracy are equivalent. If both sides have their rioters and petty autocrats, why not favor the rioters and petty autocrats whose success will result in better judges?
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But here’s the rub: By any rational standard, both sides are not equivalent in their public effect.
Only one party has based the main part of its appeal on a transparent lie. To be a loyal Republican in 2021 is to believe that a national conspiracy of big-city mayors, Republican state officials, companies that produce voting machines and perhaps China, or maybe Venezuela, stole the 2020 presidential election. The total absence of evidence indicates to conspiracy theorists (as usual) that the plot was particularly fiendish. Previous iterations of the GOP tried to unite on the basis of ideology and public purpose. The current GOP is united by a common willingness to believe whatever antidemocratic rot comes from the mouth of an ambitious, reckless liar.
Only one side of our divide employs violent intimidation as a political tool. Since leaving the presidency, Trump has endorsed the view that the events of Jan. 6 were an expression of rowdy patriotism and embraced the cruel slander that the Capitol Police were engaged in oppression. Turn to Fox News and hear hosts and guests referring to a coming “purge” of patriots, alleging that the left is “hunting” the right with the goal of putting conservatives in Guantánamo Bay, and speaking of “insurgency” as a justified response.
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Only one political movement has made a point of denying the existence and legacy of racism, assuring White people that they are equally subject to prejudice, and defending the Confederacy and its monuments as “our heritage.” This is perhaps the ultimate in absurd bothsidesism. My side suffers from economic stagnation and the unfair application of affirmative action. Your side was shipped like coal and sold like cattle; suffered centuries of brutality, rape, family separation and stolen wages; and was then subjected to humiliating segregation and the systematic denial of lending, housing and justice. Who can say which is worse?
Only one president — as released documents show — attempted to overturn the results of a fair election, tried to block the certification of his successor and discussed in the Oval Office the possibility of imposing martial law. Only one president had minions prepare the step-by-step instructions for a constitutional coup.
I could go on. Yet it gives me no pleasure. I would prefer to witness the return of a principled party of the right because I hold many conservative views on policies that I’d like to see enacted. But when fellow conservatives claim that the GOP remains the best of bad options, they become contributors to the ruin of our democracy. Only one party in the United States is committed to liberal democracy. And in the absence of that commitment, influence is merely the will to power.
What cowards the Democrats have become on taxes
What cowards the Democrats have become on taxes
What cowards the Democrats have become on taxes.
As they negotiated their marquee safety-net-and-climate proposal over the past few months, Democrats maintained that the whole package would be paid for through new taxes on the rich and corporations. But one by one, many of the most obvious revenue-raisers, including those targeting higher-income Americans, got ruled out.
Meanwhile, some questionable math got ruled in.
Proposals to roll back the Trump tax cuts, which every single Democratic lawmaker opposed in 2017? Never mind.
President Biden’s onetime proposal to raise taxes on income accrued from wealth and tax it like ordinary income? Gone.
Efforts to close a loophole that allows heirs to escape a lot of taxes on their inheritances? Dead.
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The plan to eliminate the “carried interest” tax break, enjoyed by hedge fund and private equity firm managers? Not quite.
Corporate tax rate increases? Nope. Some new international corporate tax provisions will raise revenue, but the White House estimate for the exact amount seems optimistic, given earlier congressional estimates.
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Versions of some proposals remain but have been watered down.
For example, the White House framework released Thursday includes measures to help the Internal Revenue Service catch tax cheats. Greater IRS enforcement is an excellent investment; it would help the government collect more of the taxes already owed. But a key tool that would help the IRS pinpoint who’s cheating is now apparently off the table.
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And in any case, the White House long ago pledged that the IRS would not use any additional enforcement firepower to audit households making less than $400,000. Apparently people making $399,999 who’ve been cheating Uncle Sam have Biden’s blessing to continue doing so.
This is among the reasons the White House’s forecast for how much money its latest IRS enforcement plan will raise seems Pollyannaish. (For context, the administration’s current estimate is roughly three times the size of the net revenue previously estimated by the Congressional Budget Office.)
Sens. Joe Manchin III (W.Va.) and Kyrsten Sinema (Ariz.) have been blamed for killing some of the big-ticket revenue raisers. And they have opposed many of the hikes — often in confusing and inconsistent ways. But they are hardly alone among Democratic politicians in their resistance to raising taxes, including taxes on the rich. Some of the examples cited above were actually jettisoned over the summer by House Democratic leadership.
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Biden himself also foolishly constrained what kinds of measures could be used to raise revenue, because he promised that no one making under $400,000 (so, more than 95 percent of Americans) would pay a penny more.
That rules out, among other things, “good” taxes such as carbon taxes. Same with other potential broad-based sources of revenue, such as worker tax contributions to social insurance programs, which many developed countries rely on to help fund their paid-leave systems. Perhaps not coincidentally, paid leave got dropped from Democrats’ bill.
So why have Democrats gotten cold feet?
The problem is partly that the Democratic voter base has shifted toward the college-educated, professional class, therefore becoming higher-earning. It’s uncomfortable for Democrats to endorse taxes on their own constituents, particularly when those constituents don’t realize that they, too, are technically rich. (After all, those billionaires are just so much richer!)
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Even Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), she of the famous “tax the rich” ballgown, said that when she talked about the “rich,” she didn’t mean people like “doctors.” However deserving physicians may be of high compensation, it’s hard to argue that they are not, objectively, among the top earners in this country. (Doctors are more likely than any other occupation to be in the top 1 percent.)
The other problem is that, during the 2020 presidential primary, some Democratic contenders advertised a Scandinavian-style welfare state without endorsing a Scandinavian-style tax base — that is, a system where pretty much everyone pays higher taxes, including the middle class. In fact, Democratic politicians explicitly rejected this model. Their rhetoric suggested that a major expansion of the safety net could be financed almost exclusively by soaking Elon Musk types.
Is it any wonder, then, that the few tax increases Democrats will tolerate are the very narrow, Elon-Musk-soaking variety? The White House’s framework may not roll back the Trump income tax cuts that benefited 80 percent of households — but it does levy special income “surtaxes” on just the wealthiest 0.02 percent.
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The United States has among the lowest tax burdens of rich countries, but for years the GOP has been convincing Americans that they are overtaxed (even as the GOP simultaneously increased spending). Now, Democrats have given into the same false narrative. Dems could make the case that raising taxes is a worthwhile investment, so that Americans can permanently have the safety-net programs other countries’ citizenries enjoy.
Instead, Democrats have decided they also want to be known as the high-spend, low-tax party.
Conservatives embrace safe spaces and trigger warnings
Conservatives embrace safe spaces and trigger warnings
Conservatives love to mock liberals as soft, wimpy, and insistent that everyone take account of their feelings. But as they whip up anger and fear over what students are taught in schools about race, something unexpected is happening to Republicans: They’re getting in touch with their own emotional vulnerability, and making policy demands based on ensuring that people’s feelings don’t get hurt.
That’s one of the messages underlying the culture war conflict that has taken over the Virginia governor’s race, as Republican candidate Glenn Youngkin has centered his pitch on the supposed dangers of critical race theory (which he promises to ban “on day one” of his governorship) and the need for conservative parents to protect their children from dangerous ideas.
On Thursday, Mike Pence will deliver a speech in Virginia on “educational freedom” (which probably doesn’t mean what those words would imply). And this ad is the latest salvo in Youngkin’s reinvention from private equity plutocrat to culture war crusader:
Though it goes unmentioned in the ad, this is about a 2013 controversy in which this Republican activist, Laura Murphy, went after the Fairfax County school district when her son was assigned “Beloved” by Nobel Prize-winning novelist Toni Morrison.
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It’s a book about slavery that in parts is indeed difficult to read (though if Murphy thinks it offers “some of the most explicit material you can imagine,” she might want to learn about this thing called “the internet”). She wanted the book banned until a policy could be created to deal with all explicit material.
“Beloved” is not a book for little kids — but Murphy’s son was a senior in high school when he was assigned the book. Nevertheless, she says he couldn’t handle it; the material was just too upsetting, and reading it was traumatizing for him.
Youngkin has revealed himself to be boundlessly cynical in appealing to the GOP base, but let’s do something radical and take this seriously. What’s the solution to the problem some people have with a book like “Beloved”?
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One solution is that rather than having educators decide what to assign to students, your state legislature — which may not comprise the most thoughtful and enlightened group of people — should make granular decisions about what should and shouldn’t be assigned in schools, down to choosing the books students read.
The current Republican vogue is to have those legislators enact sweeping bans on whole classes of material — such as anything that implies racism was ever anything other than the product of a few individual racists with bad intentions, a problem that has essentially been solved.
For instance, the Republican legislature in Wisconsin recently passed a bill banning certain concepts relating to race from schools; the bill’s sponsor helpfully provided a list of words that if uttered in the classroom would violate the law. They included “cultural awareness,” “institutional bias,” “racial prejudice,” and “patriarchy.”
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Having passed another law ostensibly meant to ban discussion of critical race theory, a key member of the Texas House (and a candidate for attorney general) is now demanding that superintendents inform the legislature of the presence in their schools of any “material that might make students feel discomfort, guilt, anguish, or any other form of psychological distress because of their race or sex.” He even included a list of 850 suspect books, from “The Handmaid’s Tale” to “The Confessions of Nat Turner.”
Could reading a book like “Beloved” make white students feel discomfort? Quite possibly. They might be disturbed. They might even feel implicated in systems of oppression.
So the solution for Republicans is to make sure schools are a safe space, where either discussions about race don’t happen at all lest white kids feel uncomfortable, or the discussions occur but are sanitized through a particular state-approved narrative of white innocence to ensure there will be no risk of emotional trauma. For some kids, anyway.
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One could take another approach that wouldn’t require the state to get so particular in its instructions. They could leave the decisions in educators’ hands, but insist that when potentially distressing material is introduced, the teachers explain what kids might be exposed to, and allow them, or their parents, to opt out. That’s a fair description of the legislation Laura Murphy pushed for.
It’s commonly known as a “trigger warning,” and it’s something conservatives have mocked for years as evidence of how fragile liberal institutions (especially universities) have made today’s young people.
At the time Murphy waged her crusade against “Beloved” in 2013, historian Rick Perlstein wrote that the controversy aligned neatly with a long history of conservative parents — often with the behind-the-scenes help of national political organizations — seeking to ban books they found upsetting. Then as now, conservatives feared that their children would be exposed to ideas that challenged their parents’ worldview. The answer was to assert control.
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What politicians like Youngkin are interested in is the fear itself, whether it can be stoked and heightened and turned into votes. But put that aside. What if we could all agree that context is important, that it can be useful to warn people about what they’re going to read or see, and that even so, sometimes you’ll be disturbed by material you’re exposed to?
That is what liberals have long believed, and it’s what conservatives now claim to believe as they advocate for safe spaces and trigger warnings. If only their newfound interest in people’s feelings wasn’t being used as a weapon.
Democrats’ biggest problem isn’t in Congress. It’s in your state capitol.
Democrats’ biggest problem isn’t in Congress. It’s in your state capitol.
If you pay a lot of attention to politics, just about every day you’ll see news of some outrageous thing that a Republican like Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) said or did. But David Pepper, the former chair of the Ohio Democratic Party, wants you to be aware of something more frightening.
“For every Marjorie Taylor Greene, there are hundreds of statehouse members” just like her, Pepper told me. “They’re on the inside, drawing the lines and setting the rules.”
Pepper has written a book titled “Laboratories of Autocracy: A Wake-Up Call From Behind the Lines,” which persuasively argues that the site of the most pernicious corruption and assaults on democracy is not where congressional Republicans roam. It’s in the statehouses, which Pepper calls “the most corrosive danger America faces.”
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All the battles we observe at the national level — over abortion, tax policy, the environment, health care and the fate of American democracy itself — are playing out in state capitols. Some years ago — while Democrats were essentially sleeping — Republicans figured out that it would be relatively easy to take over at the state level, then use that power to make it almost impossible for Democrats to win, locking in their control and creating a playground for special interests.
What makes it possible is the fact that so little attention is paid to state government.
Do you know who your state representative is? How about your state senator? There’s a good chance you don’t, even if you’re a political junkie. That’s because politics has been so nationalized, and there are so many sources of information on Washington, even as local journalism has steadily withered away.
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The fewer reporters there are in state capitols, the easier it is for corruption to flourish. And that’s particularly true in places such as Pepper’s home state of Ohio, where through aggressive gerrymandering, voter purges and other voter suppression measures, Republicans have successfully engineered a system that completely insulates them from accountability.
The result is state legislatures populated by officeholders who are largely anonymous to the voting public, but who are surrounded by swarms of lobbyists. “No one knows who they are,” Pepper says, but “insiders in the capitols know exactly who they are.”
We have a kind of national myth that the federal government is where all the self-dealing and corruption happens, while states are the seat of wisdom and virtue. In fact, it’s often just the opposite.
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States Republicans control — both heavily conservative ones and more closely divided ones such as Ohio or Wisconsin — are where the GOP is most aggressively working to create what is essentially “competitive authoritarianism." Under it, formal systems of democracy continue to exist, but there’s no real electoral competition.
Democrats haven’t truly mobilized against this assault on their ability to participate in their own governance, and we see it every election. “Democrats tend to get more excited about that one dynamic candidate” rather than thinking systemically, Pepper told me.
In recent years, huge amounts of liberal money flowed into virtually unwinnable races, not because of strategic thinking by Democratic donors but because a compelling Democrat ran against a reviled Republican.
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So in South Carolina in 2020, Jaime Harrison raised a staggering $130 million to lose to Sen. Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.) by 10 points. In Kentucky, Amy McGrath raised $94 million and lost to Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) by almost 20 points. That money could have turned the tide on dozens of statehouse races, where far smaller amounts are spent.
Pepper saw it in 2010 when he ran for state auditor. As the election approached, he watched money pouring in to his opponent’s coffers from strange places, like employees from out-of-state corporate interests. Why would they care about an auditor’s race in Ohio?
Well, the auditor sits on the board that draws state legislative lines, which means a role in whether Republicans could gerrymander the state beyond democratic accountability. Which would be very good for corporate interests.
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Paying more attention to states also would highlight the problems of the corrupt, unaccountable system that exists in so many places — creating an opening to make a case for change to voters. “It’s inevitable that there’s a decline in public outcomes under the current system,” Pepper told me.
Schools do worse, services decay, problems don’t get solved — and that, Pepper argues, offers Democrats an opportunity. He points to Gov. Laura Kelly of Kansas, a Democrat who got elected in 2018 in a deeply Republican state by attacking GOP mismanagement.
Pepper has 30 pieces of advice for Democrats to address their problems at the state level — from passing federal voting legislation, to boosting local journalism, to directing more contributions to key local races. None is a silver bullet, and all will be made more difficult by Republicans’ success in purging accountability from the state political system.
But the most important message is that Democrats can’t make state politics an afterthought. “There’s almost a sense of resignation that statehouses are just going to be this way and we can’t do anything about it,” Pepper told me. “That resignation is when you lose.”
Elon Musk reveals exactly why we need the Democrats’ new tax on billionaires
Elon Musk reveals exactly why we need the Democrats’ new tax on billionaires
With Democrats nearing a deal on President Biden’s legislative package, they are rolling out a new plan to tax billionaires, and billionaire Elon Musk is none too pleased about it.
Musk suggested this would put us on a slippery slope to onerous taxation of everyday investors. “Eventually, they run out of other people’s money, and then they come for you,” he complained.
This captures something critical about this whole debate. Much discussion of the billionaires’ tax reduces it to a last-ditch stopgap effort to “pay for” Democrats’ investments, after Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.) killed tax hikes on corporate and high income rates.
But the billionaires’ tax would also address glaring flaws in our tax code that deserve attention in their own right: They’ve driven soaring inequality and badly unbalanced our political economy. Fixing these would itself confer major benefits, irrespective of helping “pay for” Democratic investments.
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Musk’s opposition helps illustrate this. Like many other rich people, his extreme wealth is partly the creation of government investment undertaken for the public good. But he’s also perfectly happy to protect that wealth from fair taxation in ways that deprive the government of revenue for other socially beneficial investments, just as many other billionaires are.
The billionaires’ tax
Under the new plan, those with $1 billion in assets or $100 million in annual income for three straight years would get taxed on appreciation of value in tradeable assets such as stocks, even if they don’t realize those gains.
Democrats believe this would target 700 ultrarich taxpayers and raise hundreds of billions of dollars for investments in combating climate change, in child development and more. They would also be taxed at the outset on total appreciation of overall tradeable assets to the present.
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The underlying idea is to address existing problems with the tax code, and the ways the wealthy exploit them, as a worthy goal in itself. Those problems result in the ultrarich paying far less in taxes, relative to income and overall wealth, than the great mass of working people do.
This is for two key reasons, as a White House report details. First, the very rich earn much income from returns on investments that are taxed at lower rates than ordinary income. Second, such investment gains can be shielded from taxation entirely by refraining from realizing them.
Because of the latter, many wealthy people borrow against those investments to reap a form of income without those investments and their appreciation ever facing taxation. They can even be passed on to wealthy heirs untaxed; a proposal to close that loophole has been nixed.
‘Taxes are optional’
“If a person is wealthy enough, taxes are optional,” Seth Hanlon, a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress, told me. “If they live off loans against their assets indefinitely, and never sell assets during their lifetimes, gains are never taxed at all.”
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“They’ve enjoyed the ability to consume and have extravagant lifestyles, while paying no tax at all on the accumulation of that wealth,” Hanlon continued. The billionaires’ tax is designed to help fix this.
A ProPublica exposé found that due to such accounting trickery, the superrich paid a startlingly paltry income tax rate relative to overall holdings. One is Musk. Another is Jeff Bezos, who owns The Post and has battled Musk over federal space funding.
Musk typifies the deep dispute here in another way. He objects to fixing this problem on the grounds that opening the door to more taxation of billionaires will give the government license to blow money: When they “run out of” it, they will “come for you.” Taxation is a taking.
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Musk also suggests “entrepreneurs” are better allocators of capital than “government.” But Musk himself has enjoyed billions of dollars in government subsidies and other help in building his businesses.
Tesla benefited from hundreds of millions in stimulus loans. Yes, Tesla repaid this, but the government nonetheless helped enable him to allocate capital. It is doing the same by granting SpaceX a multibillion-dollar moon contract.
Behold the mixed economy
Such investments both benefit the public and help build Musk’s enormous fortune. Behold the mixed economy: Public investment has created the foundation for innovation and prosperity throughout U.S. history, even as individual fortunes rise on that foundation.
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Musk appears to harbor a strange dichotomy. On one side, there’s using taxpayer money to enable entrepreneurs to realize grand visions, a good form of socially beneficial government investment (which benefited him spectacularly).
On the other, there’s curbing billionaire tax avoidance to fund taxpayer spending on other public goods that don’t immediately fuel glorious entrepreneurial visions, multi-planetary or otherwise. This is apparently a bad and inefficient taking.
But that’s a wrongheaded frame. The Democratic agenda would tax the ultrawealthy to fund massive investments in child care, early education, health care and the transition to a decarbonized economy, and those investments will bring long-term social benefits for all of us.
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Making Musk’s frame worse, the structure of the tax code that protects extreme wealth from taxation is itself a social product. The rich have benefited from government-restructured market rules that channeled income, wealth and rents upward for decades.
One is preferential treatment of wealth. As Ryan Cooper notes, the very distinction between income and wealth that shields the latter from taxation is not “natural”; it’s the product of “government choices." We can choose to reverse them.
The insistence by billionaires that those choices are sacrosanct is at bottom an insistence that we must maintain their privileged status. That assumed privilege, and the superrich’s power to maintain it, are exactly what the billionaires’ tax would target. And that’s why we need it.
What "transitory" means and why it matters
What "transitory" means and why it matters
Slow Boring.com
By Matthew Yglesias
Oct. 28, 2021
Inflation is bad, but it is much more likely to go down than up.
Everyone’s got inflation on the brain these days, and I’m detecting a growing impatience with reassurances from authorities that rising prices are likely to be “transitory.” At the same time, analysts who earlier in the year proclaimed themselves Team Transitory have generally been taking victory laps as they feel data tends to support their view.
I think that kind of team thinking makes for unhealthy analysis, and at this point in time, it’s useful to draw a distinction between two claims.
Inflation in the back half of 2021 has been higher than the Fed forecasted it would be at the beginning of the year, and it’s now overwhelmingly likely that we’ll be experiencing some high inflation in the first half of 2022.
There is no sign as of yet of inflation accelerating or becoming embedded in expectations in a way that would suggest a possible loss of control over price rises.
The former is a legitimate beef that the public has with policymakers. A non-trivial number of analysts warned of this possibility, and they are correct to feel vindicated. In particular, the inflation that we have seen has not been limited to a handful of pandemic-specific sectors of the economy and instead now pretty clearly reflects a broad-based increase in cash induced by very generous fiscal policy.
But on the other hand, the “transitory” proposition never really hinged on this.
A huge global pandemic is a really big deal. It’s killed hundreds of thousands of Americans, many more people around the globe, and it’s also led to many cases of non-fatal illness that were nonetheless serious and involved hospitalizations or prolonged recuperation at home. The pandemic has also significantly altered almost everyone’s daily conduct — not commuting to offices, wearing masks on the job, conferences and conventions going global, schools getting stricter about attendance while sick. An economic cost alongside the humanitarian one is inevitable; there’s nothing fiscal or monetary policy can do about that. What policy can do is impact what kind of cost is ultimately borne.
In the beginning, it seemed like the pandemic would induce a really serious recession. But thanks to Jerome Powell and Steve Mnuchin and Nancy Pelosi and Joe Biden and Raphael Warnock and others, that hasn’t been the case — we pumped a ton of money into the system, flushed people’s pockets with cash, and largely averted severe economic deprivation despite a very scary and disruptive virus. Instead, we got a moderate amount of inflation, which while bad is clearly preferable to a prolonged spell of mass unemployment. So why don’t policymakers always opt for “moderate amount of inflation” over “prolonged spell of mass unemployment?”
A big reason is that they worry that even a moderate amount of inflation could unleash an inflationary spiral of 5% this year, 6% the next, and 8% the year after that. And in this sense, inflation still looks clearly transitory.
(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)
We do not see a frenzy of consumption
Something that I think is pretty obvious but not always explicitly discussed is that perceptions of future price trends impact consumer behavior.
For example, Apple just released a series of new MacBook Pro laptops with new M1 Pro chips that look really good but are also pricey. As the owner of a MacBook Air with a now-outdated M1 chip, I am kind of jealous of the owners of these new machines. And while they are expensive, I could afford to go buy a new one if I really wanted to. But I’m not going to do that, because one thing we all know about the computer industry is that improvement in quality is fairly rapid, and 18 months from now cheaper and/or better Mac laptops will likely be available. My current laptop is still very good, and it’s more prudent to wait.
But sometimes the market for a good isn’t like that. If you see a pair of sunglasses that you really like and you can afford to buy them, then you might as well buy them now. You could be thrifty and decide you actually don’t want to spend money on sunglasses, but there’s no particular reason to expect future sunglasses to be better or cheaper than current sunglasses. You just have to decide if your budget can accommodate them and how much you like them.
Rising prices, at least in theory, could have the effect of inducing current consumption.
If some kind of price wizard told me that Moore’s Law has been repealed and laptop prices will be higher in 2023 than in 2021 with no improvements in quality, then I might run out and buy a new MacBook Pro today. After all, why wait if the prices are going up? That’s the inflationary spiral, a dynamic in which nobody wants to hold onto cash because they perceive that its value is falling, so they spend, spend, spend right away. That furious pace of spending induces more inflation, which induces more spending. And the thing policymakers fear is that once that mentality has taken hold, it’s hard to break short of inducing an intense recession like we saw in 1981-82 when unemployment started at 7.4% on Ronald Reagan’s inauguration day and soared to 10.8% by November 1982.
The core claim of “transitory” is that this is not happening.
I’ll try to present some data in support of the transitory claim, but I also suggest everyone search their personal anecdata. What are you hearing? I am hearing a lot of people bummed out about gasoline prices being high, people annoyed by shipping delays, and a generalized sense of anxiety that the money we got from Uncle Sam arrived in the past but the price increases induced by the money arriving are happening now. You go from exhilaration (“I got $1,400!”) in February to annoyance (“Bacon costs what?”) in September. But what I do not hear is people with cars in perfectly good working order responding to the rising price of cars by rushing out to go buy a brand new car before prices go even higher. Tell me if I’m wrong, but I don’t think I am.
Signs inflation will go down
The clearest reason to believe inflation will go down in the future rather than up (i.e., be transitory) is that “core” inflation (where you ignore food and energy prices) is lower than headline inflation.
To normal people, food and energy prices are actually the most important prices. Everyone buys food and electricity, almost everyone buys gasoline, and most people buy home heat. These are also expenses that recur routinely, and demand for these commodities is relatively inelastic. People do cut back on gasoline consumption when prices rise. But for most people, doing this even in the short-term is sufficiently difficult and disruptive enough that they mostly suck it up and pay more for gas, cutting back on non-gasoline expenditures. So it seems perverse to hear economists saying “if you ignore the price increases in the stuff that’s key to your daily life, the situation actually looks much better.”
That’s why I always want to be clear about the reason for looking at core inflation, which is that current core inflation is a better predictor of future headline inflation. That is the one and only reason to care about it. Inflation has been running over 5% for months now, and you are entitled to feel as aggrieved about that as you want. But if you want to know how alarmed you should feel about the future, core inflation is telling you that prices are likely to moderate.
Now to be clear, core inflation is not a perfect predictor. But surveys of inflation expectations show the mass public expects price increases to moderate, as do market-based measures of expectations, as do the Cleveland Fed’s complicated models.
Everything is pointing to transitory.
Something to note from the standpoint of your right as a citizen to whine and be annoyed: transitory is actually a low bar. A year ago, a gallon of gasoline cost $2.15 on average while today, it’s $3.32. Suppose that a year from now, prices rise another $1.17 — that is not the kind of relief people are hoping to see at the pump. But it would represent a declining rate of price increase (roughly 35% rather than 54%) and thus would be a victory for “team transitory.”
More than anything else, I think this is why the people fretting about accelerating inflation are making a mistake. A market economy has powerful equilibrium forces. When stuff gets expensive, people buy less of it (even gasoline demand is not entirely inelastic), and they also invest in creating new supply. Capital expenditures are surging across the board, and nominal (i.e., not adjusted for inflation) spending on goods is already falling from its spring peak.
Rather than leaping toward ruinous inflation, we are seeing the operation of a reasonably well-functioning market economy recovering from a pandemic. For inflation to explode, you would need some additional policy to boost household spending, and that’s not what’s happening.
Policy is turning contractionary
It hasn’t been discussed much, but the 2021 budget deficit, though high, was lower than the 2020 deficit both because the American Rescue Plan was smaller than the CARES Act and because tax revenue was much stronger in 2021. There isn’t going to be a stimulus bill in 2022, and revenues will continue to rise thanks to economic growth.
One result of all the stimulus over the winter is that spending shot up. But even with spending up, incomes rose even more and household savings increased. As Mark Zandi’s handy table shows, in percentage terms, the rise in savings was especially pronounced among families of more modest means.
But as he observes, these savings are being drawn down relatively rapidly.
He anticipates that labor force participation will rise as people run out of money, and beyond that, spending will have to decelerate if people aren’t getting more cash from the government.
Note that this is not the 1960s and 1970s when a large share of the population had an automatic cost of living adjustment written into their contracts. Back then, higher prices boosted wages across large sectors of the economy, which ensured consumers could afford the new higher prices. Today, people don’t generally have that protection. If prices go up, the amount of stuff we buy has to go down to adjust.
The Federal Reserve itself is getting ready to reduce quantitative easing at its next meeting and will be raising interest rates next year. I was vocally critical of tapering and rate hikes back in 2015, but today I think it’s totally appropriate. Unlike back then, inflation really is above target, so it’s reasonable to start tightening policy at a judicious pace. I’m not some kind of mega-dove who thinks there’s nothing to worry about here. But there’s no reason to worry specifically about inflation somehow getting out of control.
We ended the recession. Fiscal stimulus is gone. Monetary stimulus is being withdrawn. Policymaking over the past 18 months has not been perfect, but in broad terms, it’s been appropriate.
The real question — jobs
Rather than worrying about hyperinflation, I would worry about jobs.
We are still well below the pre-pandemic peak of employment, and after a string of very rapid job growth months, things have slowed down considerably. That’s bad.
The relevance of inflation here, though, is that unlike in 2015, the answer pretty clearly is not “more stimulus.”
A few months ago, I was pretty bought-in on the theory that a poorly structured UI program that meant people would lose money if they accepted a job was holding back employment growth. Folks on the left who derided that theory have been vindicated so far. What they don’t seem to realize is that their vindication is basically bad news for America, for the Biden administration, and for progressive politics in general because — again — there’s no good case for stimulus now.
Zandi’s theory is that the savings cushion is holding back labor force participation, and it will leap back over the next two months as people run out of money.
Other people think the Delta wave made some folks unusually hesitant to take jobs — something that could certainly interact with and reinforce Zandi’s theory. With Delta fading, booster shots approved, and vaccines for kids available soon, maybe that will change. Some people point to labor force dropouts among people over 50 and say “well, these are early retirements and those folks are never coming back.” I’m pretty skeptical of that theory. I think if it feels safe and remunerative to work, people are going to be inclined to go work.
But if you want to see a stirring defense of Covid-era macro policy, just look at inflation-adjusted GDP — by the second quarter of this year, the economy had already fully recovered!
When something bad happens, “we get some inflation but real output quickly recovers” is a much better problem than the alternative of prolonged recession.
The inflation itself is annoying and undesirable, but there is no sign that it’s spiraling out of control. The lingering problem is labor force participation, where nobody seems entirely sure what the story is. But I think our interpretation of 2021 is going to end up hinging critically on how those October, November, and December jobs reports come in. If they’re strong and we add two million more workers in the last quarter of the year, then the slowdown will look like a blip and it’ll be an overall successful recovery. If they’re weak and growth has stalled out, that’s a big problem crying out for a solution.
Twitter amplifies conservative politicians. Is it because users mock them?
Twitter amplifies conservative politicians. Is it because users mock them?
Our research suggests conservative politicians are ‘ratioed’ more often. That may explain why they’re in your timeline.
Twitter reported last week that its timeline algorithm is more likely to amplify right-wing politicians than left-wing politicians.
The social media company prioritizes content (presenting it higher in the timeline) if it thinks that you are more likely to engage with that content, based on your past behavior or what other readers have been interested in. These algorithms remain highly controversial, because in some cases they can promote harmful information. According to documents leaked by whistleblower Frances Haugen and outside academic research, for example, Facebook’s algorithms appear to have led to increased outrage on the platform, incentivizing people to post controversial content (and then argue about it).
Why would Twitter’s algorithms promote conservative politicians? Our research suggests an unlikely but plausible reason: It’s because they get dunked on so much. Our data shows that conservative politicians in the United States are more likely than their peers to — in Twitter slang — be “ratioed.”
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For people who don’t use Twitter, that term may require some explanation. When a tweet receives more quotes and replies than direct retweets — meaning users are commenting on the tweet rather than just bringing it to the attention of their followers — it often indicates that the tweet was unpopular, or a bad take that many Twitter users mock. (The “ratio” refers to the degree to which the direct retweets are outnumbered by commentary.) But Twitter’s algorithms may interpret the unpopularity of conservative politicians’ tweets as increased engagement, and therefore decide to amplify them.
Every day at New York University’s Center for Social Media and Politics, we collect a 10 percent random sample of Twitter. That amounts to tens of millions of daily tweets — including retweets. For our current research, we went into this sample to focus on retweets of members of Congress published since Jan. 1, 2021, calculating the number of quote tweets, replies and retweets.
This allowed us to calculate a “ratio” score for each tweet: We subtracted the number of retweets from the number of quote tweets and replies, and divided that figure by the total number of retweets, quote tweets and replies. (Trust us: This makes sense.)
Under this measure, the higher the score, the more the tweet has been ratioed by Twitter users, receiving more quotes and replies than retweets. A ratio score below zero means the tweet has received more retweets than quote tweets and replies. Scores above zero, on the other hand, indicate the tweet received more quote tweets than retweets — which, again, usually means a negative response in the Twittersphere.
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Following this procedure allowed us to calculate the median ratio score per tweet for each member — and thereby to figure out who the most regularly ratioed members of Congress are in 2021. (If you want to understand how we arrived at this score, and how reliable our measures are, click here.)
Perhaps unsurprisingly, Democratic Sens. Kyrsten Sinema (Ariz.) and Joe Manchin III (W. Va.) have the highest median ratioed score per tweet in Congress as of 2021. This is almost certainly the result of their routine blocking of various Democratic measures proposed in the Senate. Notably, following Sinema and Manchin, the next 18 highest average ratioed members of Congress are Republicans, as the figure below shows.
In addition to analyzing individual members of Congress, we looked at how the ideology of members of Congress affected the distribution of ratios among them. We measured their ideology using a standard method used by social scientists (Nominate scores), based on their roll call voting records. What we found was that on average, the authors of tweets with higher ratios (i.e., tweets that cause more outrage online) are more conservative than the ideology of authors of tweets with lower ratios. We used straightforward statistical methods to test whether this relationship was significant, and we found that it was.
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To be clear, our data doesn’t mean that being a conservative causes Twitter users to ratio members; nor does it definitively demonstrate that a high ratio is the signal that Twitter’s algorithm is picking up on to amplify the voices of conservative politicians. Still, our findings suggest conservative ideology is associated with increased likelihood of a tweet being ratioed.
In turn, that may help to explain why the platform amplifies conservative politicians’ voices — because if you train an algorithm to amplify tweets with which people are engaging, it may not care whether the engagement involves people celebrating and enjoying tweets and their authors, or hating on them. (Some users already intuit this, urging people on Twitter not to “give air to” offensive views by retweeting and criticizing them.)
This research may present information useful to lawmakers, who are figuring out how to address the problems of social media. It seems as if it should be possible for Twitter to change its algorithm so that it disfavors ratioed tweets, rather than amplifying them — if that is indeed what it is doing. Given that ratioed tweets are widely believed to generate division and outrage, such a shift could be a way to turn down the temperature on the social media platform.
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If the conclusions we draw from our research are right, the politics of social media amplification may be more complicated than we think. Twitter users who ratio the content of politicians with whom they disagree may think they are mocking and diminishing them. In fact, they may be promoting them.
This article was a collaboration between PostEverything and the Monkey Cage. Don’t miss any of TMC’s analysis! Sign up for our newsletter.
The strategic hole at the center of ‘Dune’
The strategic hole at the center of ‘Dune’
I enjoy almost everything about “Dune.” Except this one thing.
By Daniel W. Drezner
Daniel W. Drezner is a professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University and a regular contributor to PostEverything.Yesterday at 7:00 a.m. EDT
Over the past year Ana Marie Cox and I have been running a podcast called Space the Nation, centered on science fiction and international relations — sci-fi and poli sci, as it were. This has led, ineluctably, to recording multiple episodes about Frank Herbert’s “Dune.”
I had neither read Herbert’s novel nor seen any filmed version of it until this year. But over the past six months we have talked about the novel, then the misbegotten tragedy that was David Lynch’s attempt to film it, and now Denis Villeneuve’s adaptation of the first half of the book.
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As sci-fi books go, Herbert’s “Dune” is legitimately impressive in its treatment of international relations. The interstellar jockeying for power between the Emperor, Landsraad, Spacing Guild, Bene Gesserit, and Houses Harkonnen and Atreides is compelling. The lead characters have varying but believable degrees of strategic acumen, with feints inside of feints. Herbert is attuned to the role that religion and the environment can play in international politics. His discussion of “desert power” is more sophisticated than 95 percent of the instances a pundit mentions “geopolitics” in an op-ed.
The thing is, there is a key plot element in every iteration of this narrative that continues to make zero sense to me. The plot starts in motion when Emperor Shaddam IV decides to take the spice mining commission on Arrakis from House Harkonnen and transfers it to the Harkonnen’s long-standing rival, Duke Leto Atreides. This spice is pretty important — it’s necessary for interstellar travel.
Sounds like a win for House Atreides! But everyone thinks it is a trap, including the duke himself. And it is a trap! The Emperor fears the growing power of House Atreides and promotes the duke to set him up for failure. Soon the Harkonnen and Imperial troops take the planet again and kill the duke.
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I get the idea of promoting a rival to a position where they find themselves in greater political peril. This happens in both democracies and military dictatorships. In juntas, sometimes military rulers will promote possible rivals to battle commands with the expectation that they will either flounder or be killed. In the United States, the Obama administration’s appointment of Jon Huntsman to be U.S. ambassador to China could have been viewed as a way to neutralize a potential general election appointment.
Here we get to the flaw in the plot. Promoting a rival to put them in danger is one thing. Promoting a rival so that they control the single-most important raw material in the galaxy makes no sense whatsoever. Anyone who knows anything about the concept of weaponized interdependence knows that giving House Atreides even temporary sovereignty over Arrakis gives them control over the most important chokepoint in the galactic political economy. It is way too big a risk to take just to dispatch a possible rival. Just because the surprise attack worked does not mean it was a good idea.
There are additional problems with this strategy. If the Emperor is trying to eliminate House Atreides without getting his hands dirty, why commit crack imperial Sardaukar troops to the operation? Even if they are in disguise, the chances of them being identified — like, say, Vladimir Putin’s “little green men” — would be pretty high, thereby getting the Emperor’s hands pretty dirty.
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Most importantly, a violent recapturing of Arrakis turns a troubled occupation into an even riskier enterprise. As Emily Meierding demonstrated in “The Oil Wars Myth,” it is difficult for an occupying force to extract resources — and spice harvesting on Arrakis seems way more difficult than drilling for oil in the Middle East. To paraphrase a former president, the notion that the Emperor can withdraw Harkonnen forces, then reinvade and simple “take the spice” does not hold up.
Villeneuve’s adaptation is interesting, and I am glad to see a sequel has been greenlit. There is a lot of interesting politics in the novels and in Villeneuve’s film. But the strategy that kick-starts everything is silly.
America’s gun culture is priming us for authoritarianism
America’s gun culture is priming us for authoritarianism
We’re on a dangerous path when the very thing that frightens is the thing that promises to save us from our fear
Members of the Boogaloo Boys stand outside the Michigan Capitol building in Lansing on Jan. 17. (Ed Ou for The Washington Post)
By Ruth Ben-Ghiat
What is driving democratic decline in America? Disinformation, election subversion, Donald Trump’s authoritarian leader cult and institutionalized racism leap out at you. But there’s another factor that is all the more dangerous because it’s part of our everyday reality: civilian access to lethal weapons, and the mass death that enables.
The scale and scope of gun violence in America doesn’t just desensitize us to violence. It also cheapens the value of life. It fosters political, social and psychological conditions that are propitious for autocracy. The omission of gun law reform from discussions of democracy protection is symptomatic of our normalization of this tragic situation. The Jan. 6 insurrection shows us how dangerous that blind spot has become.
For decades we have shot each other, with Americans causing fellow Americans more harm than any foreign enemy. More than 1.5 million died of gunshots in the past 50 years vs. 1.2 million in all the wars in the country’s history. This year alone, mass shootings have killed or injured more than 1,800.
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Yet no amount of loss seems enough to deter the supporters of a brutal gun rights culture that factors in harm to some so that the freedoms and privilege of others can continue, and accepts mass death and trauma in the name of “liberty.” Add in an uptick of activity by extremists that preach violence and extralegal action as a way of changing history, and you have a high potential for political destabilization. Guns were prominent at the storming of the Michigan Capitol in May 2020 by militia members. They also featured at the Jan. 6 insurrection, which brought many strains of armed political extremism together: militia members, retired and active-duty law enforcement and military and radicalized civilians.
“We have to resist becoming numb to the sorrow,” said President Biden at a memorial service for victims of coronavirus. The same could be said of the daily tragedy of gun violence. But going numb is also a survival strategy for those who have seen much violence or have lost multiple loved ones and don't dare admit their fear that they will be next.
Fear of violence can, paradoxically, create the conditions for more violence. Gun sales have risen dramatically due to a more polarized political climate. Some 40 percent of firearms purchases in 2020 were to first-time buyers, including to women and non-Whites who fear for their safety. This probably means more deaths of an accidental and intentional nature. More children who find an improperly stored weapon or take mommy’s handgun out of her purse. More adult and teen suicides, and more hate crimes.
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A September 2020 policy statement from the American Academy of Pediatrics on the effects of active shooter drills in schools summed up the dangers that can paradoxically arise from our attempts to buffer against danger: “High-intensity crisis preparedness efforts may contribute to a distorted sense of risk in children and perspective that adults and peers need to be viewed as potential killers.” Gun culture arises in part from collective distrust, but it also engenders that very distrust, a process that threatens to become a self-reinforcing loop.
The terror-filled psychological climate created by mass death only encourages the embrace of fundamentalist and cult ideologies that promise to bring order to chaos by providing an explanation for everything that happens. A healthy democracy requires a strong civic culture and a public sphere conducive to social trust and altruism. Instead, we have generations raised with fear, suspicion of others and uncertainty — states of being perfect for authoritarian politics, which play on conspiracy theories and seek to rob populations of optimism and hope.
Exploit the hurt, make others feel as debased as possible, then rouse them to anger: This is the strongman formula. Such leaders know that it can be easier to try to control the world through violence than to stay still and grieve, and easier to find a scapegoat than look within. That’s what happened a century ago, when fascism arose among veterans in Italy and Germany who had been ravaged by World War I and formed far-right militias rather than transition to civilian society.
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We have no recent comparable conflagration. Yet our ongoing experience of mass death primes us for a political order backed up by extrajudicial violence. Gun control is thus not only a public health, economic and social issue but an urgent matter of democracy protection. When violence is accorded a patriotic value; when mass death of your fellow citizens is considered an acceptable price to pay for possession of lethal weapons; when a leader has convinced people to follow his dogma even if it jeopardizes their own well-being; when the very thing that frightens is the thing primed to save you from your fear; when the value of life itself has been cheapened … then the conditions are right for authoritarian rule.
Thursday, October 28, 2021
Can the Republican Party Return to Reality?
The party of thugs
The party of thugs
In 2020, Joe Biden repeatedly insisted that once Donald Trump departed office the Republican Party would become more reasonable. Instead, it has become even more of a party of thugs, where basic norms of polite behavior are held in contempt.
Biden can see it for himself as he drives down the road, as The Post reports:
The ubiquity of Trump signs, especially in rural stretches of the country, has long been striking, and possibly unprecedented for a losing candidate — especially nearly a year after the election. But now, in towns like Boise — in states both red and blue, and almost all across the country — anti-Biden signs are cropping up as well, frequently with angry and profane insults.
Some of the signs are scrawled by hand. Others are bought on Amazon. Still others are professionally procured. The crude signs are held by people lined up along Biden’s motorcade routes and clustered near his events. Protesters shout obscenities from outside his appearances.
Then there are the chants. In early October, a “F--- Joe Biden!” cry broke out among the crowd at Alabama’s Talladega Superspeedway. Kelli Stavast, an NBC Sports reporter, was interviewing NASCAR driver Brandon Brown live on air at the time, and she quipped, “You can hear the chants from the crowd, ‘Let’s go Brandon!’ ”
Conservatives have now turned “Let’s go Brandon” into a meme, something they can repeat with a giggle in contexts where swearing is still considered inappropriate (one congressman even ended a speech on the floor of the House with it). It’s sort of like when a newspaper writes “f---” — the meaning has been communicated, but the paper can say it didn’t actually swear.
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Anyone active on social media has noticed a recent acceleration of anger directed at Biden himself, which is striking because it has taken some time to develop.
Recall that Biden became the choice of Democratic primary voters in 2020 precisely because they believed he would be the least offensive candidate to independent and even a few Republican voters.
So ask yourself this: If Republicans across the country are reacting to the simple fact of having a president from the other party by scrawling their simian grunts of rage on cardboard and placing them in their front yards, can you imagine what they’d be doing if the president was Elizabeth Warren or Kamala Harris?
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Biden hasn’t been easy to hate. So much of the right’s anger comes from conservatives’ belief that they are being displaced, that society’s proper hierarchies are being undermined, but Biden himself can’t be a symbol of that displacement. He’s friendly, old Uncle Joe. He isn’t up with the latest lingo on race and gender, and like 44 of his 45 predecessors, he’s a White man.
Which is why the conservative propaganda apparatus has struggled to define their attacks on Biden; the best they can come up with is that he’s incapacitated and senile, leaving other sinister forces to pull the strings.
So while people may be painting signs and leading chants of “F--- Joe Biden” (or “Let’s go Brandon”), Biden himself is almost incidental. This is a means for conservatives to communicate with one another, and what’s being communicated more than anything else is “I take pleasure in flouting norms of polite behavior.”
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This is now considered by many to be the way you establish your conservative bona fides. Your commitment to low taxes or light regulations is not nearly enough; you have to show that you’re willing to be rude and crude. Can you give offense, can you make people cringe, can you do your part to make our politics as mean and unpleasant as possible? That’s what will get you attention and praise. As one Republican official texted to CNN’s Jake Tapper, “being a horrible person is now actually a job requirement in this party.”
The problem isn’t just that a few individual thugs have been so enthusiastically making their nastiness known. It’s that their thuggishness becomes part of a feedback loop running back and forth between the mass and the elite.
Republican members of Congress monitor conservative media to see what their constituents are seeing and saying, then they echo it back to them. That in turn validates thuggishness as an approach to politics, encouraging the rank and file to go even further.
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And in many cases, those conservative elites actively work to create and encourage thuggery. They create a phony “issue” such as critical race theory, work to get people as enraged as possible, then when that rage erupts in threats and intimidation of school personnel and board members, they defend it and celebrate its potential to yield them political benefits.
This isn’t new; the election of a Black man in 2008 made Republicans vibrate with fury for eight years. The difference today is that after four years of Trump, almost no one in the GOP acts as though there’s value in conducting political debates like adults.
That was, after all, the heart of Trump’s appeal: He told Republicans that being polite was for suckers and losers, liberating them to let their worst selves come out loud and proud. Every bigot, bully, sexual harasser and lunkheaded goon seemed to gravitate to his cause, recognizing a kindred spirit.
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And while there are still polite and courtly Republican officeholders out there, everyone knows where the party’s heart is today. If you want to express your kinship with Republican voters, you insult the weak, you defend the indefensible, you celebrate violence, you give offense for its own sake.
That these impulses are still so powerful even with the relatively inoffensive Biden leading the country and Trump on the sidelines should make us frightened for what is to come. What if, for instance, Biden decides not to run for a second term (he’ll turn 82 not long after the 2024 election), the Democrats nominate Harris or someone else who isn’t a White man, and Trump runs and loses to them?
The degree of rage that outcome would produce on the right is almost unimaginable. And vulgar signs in people’s front yards will be just the beginning.